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Abstrak :
Disertasi ini berusaha mengungkapkan terjadinya komodifikasi pekerja media wartawan dalam industri media massa di era konvergensi. Peneliti mengembangkan kerangka pemikiran dari teori ekonomi politik komunikasi, yang pintu masuk pertamanya adalah komodifikasi. Penelitian ini menggunakan paradigma kritis dengan pendekatan kualitatif dan metode studi kasus. Penelitian ini mengungkapkan bahwa pertumbuhan Tempo dari sebuah majalah menjadi konglomerasi merupakan akumulasi kapital sesuai dengan tujuan kapitalis. Tempo terus mengembangkan bisnis dan inovasi untuk beradaptasi dengan perkembangan industri media serta teknologi media baru, termasuk dengan penerapan konvergensi media dan konvergensi redaksi. Dalam pelipatgandaan kapital dan pelaksanakan konvergensi redaksi itu terjadi komodifikasi pekerja wartawan lewat penambahan jam kerja, upah rendah, kejar target, tugas ganda, kewajiban permasaran dan adaptasi. Bentuk komodifikasi yang terjadi adalah eksploitasi tubuh, eksploitasi ekonomi, eksploitasi waktu luang, dan eksploitasi kemampuan. Wartawan menerima eksploitasi itu sebagai kewajaran bagi profesinya karena adanya proses mistifikasi, alienasi, naturalisasi, dan reifikasi.

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This dissertation seeks to reveal the occurrence of commodification of media workers journalists in media industry in the convergence age. The researcher developed a framework of political economic of communication theory, whose first entrance is commodification. This research uses a critical paradigm with qualitative approach and case study method. This study reveals that the growth of Tempo from a magazine into a conglomeration is an accumulation of capital in accordance with capitalist objectives. Tempo continues to develop business and innovation to adapt the development of media industry and new media technology, including with the application of media convergence dan editorial convergence. In the multiplication of capital and the execution of editorial convergence, there is a commodification of workers journalists through the addition of working hours, low wages, pursuit of targets, double duties, marketing obligation and adaptation. The forms of commodification that occur are exploitation of the body, economic exploitation, leisure exploitation, and exploitation of ability. Journalists accept the exploitation as fairness for the profession because of the process of mystification, alienation, naturalization, and reification.

Abstrak :
Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa expertise paling banyak digunakan di putarankedua Pilkada DKI Jakarta, sedangkan rewarding paling banyak digunakan diputaran pertama. Punishing paling sedikit digunakan di kedua putaran tersebut.Rewarding, expertise, dan moral persuasion terbukti berpengaruh terhadappreferensi pemilih. Ketiga strategi ini signifikan pengaruhnya bagi seluruhpasangan di putaran pertama dan signifikan pula pengaruhnya hanya bagipasangan Anies Baswedan-Sandiaga Uno di putaran kedua.Punishing di putaran pertama hanya signifikan pengaruhnya terhadap peluangmemilih bagi pasangan Basuki Tjahaja Purnama dan Djarot Saeful Hidayat tetapitidak untuk kedua pasangan penantang lainnya. Dan, di putaran kedua tidakterbukti pengaruhnya terhadap preferensi pemilih bagi penantang maupunkompetitor.Variabel kontrol berupa pemimpin non muslim cukup baik menjelaskan peluangmemilih Basuki Tjahaja Purnama dan Djarot Saeful Hidayat di putaran keduaPilkada DKI Jakarta 2017.Kata Kunci: Compliance Gaining, Pemasaran Politik, Rewarding, Punishing,Expertise, Moral Persuasion, dan Preferensi Pemilih. ......The Jakarta Regional Head Election This research result reveals that expertise was most used in the second round ofDKI Jakarta Election, meanwhile rewarding was mostly used in the first roundelection. Punishing is the least used in both round elections. Rewarding,expertise, and moral persuasion had been proven to have an effect on voterpreferences.The three of those strategies have significant influence to all the candidates in thefirst round election and they have also significant influence to Anies Baswedan Sandiaga Uno in the second round election. Punishing in the first round election had only significant effect on opportunity ofvoting behavior for the pair candidate, Basuki Tjahaja Punama Djarot SaefulHidayat but it is no longer for two other candidates pairs.The non Moeslem Leader as control variable is more reasonable to explain thevoting opportunities of Basuki Tjahaja Purnama Djarot Saeful Hidayat in thesecond round of 2017 Jakarta Election.Key Words Compliance Gaining, Political Marketing, Rewarding, Punishing,Expertise, Moral Persuasion, and Voter Preferences.

Abstrak :
Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menguji tiga proposisi terkait regulasi internet di Indonesia dan implementasi Undang-Undang Informasi dan Transaksi Elektronik (UU ITE). Pertama, UU ITE telah membatasi kebebasan berekspresi di ruang publik digital. Dalam konteks ini, penelitian akan menyelidiki dampak pembatasan tersebut terhadap kebebasan berpendapat dan partisipasi masyarakat dalam sistem politik demokrasi. Kedua, dalam implementasi UU ITE, terdapat ketegangan terus menerus antara pemerintah, dewan perwakilan rakyat dan masyarakat sipil yang diwakili aktivis perjuangan kebebasan berekspresi di internet. Ketiga, terdapat fenomena salah guna UU ITE, di mana regulasi yang semula ditujukan untuk mengatur transaksi digital di ranah internet, belakangan dibelokkan sehingga UU tersebut digunakan untuk terutama membatasi kebebasan berkspresi di ranah internet. Penelitian ini akan menginvestigasi dampak dan implikasi dari perluasan cakupan regulasi tersebut. Adapun pertanyaan yang ingin dijawab dalam penelitian ini adalah: (1) Bagaimana proses lahirnya pasal-pasal dalam UU ITE berpotensi melumpuhkan demokratisasi di Indonesia? (2) Apa implikasi dari penerapan UU ITE terhadap kebebasan berekspresi dan berpendapat warga dan (3) Bagaimana dinamika proses tarik-menarik antara berbagai pemangku kepentingan dalam formulasi dan revisi UU ITE, terutama antar pemerintah, DPR, dan masyarakat sipil. Penelitian ini menghasilkan beberapa kesimpulan sebagai berikut. Pertama, tidak ada bukti yang cukup untuk menjelaskan latar belakang dimasukkannya sejumlah pasal bermasalah ke dalam UU ITE pada 2008. Pemerintah maupun DPR sebenarnya semula menyiapkan RUU ITE untuk menertibkan transaksi bisnis elektonik, dan pornografi yang saat itu semakin marak. Namun di saat terakhir, dimasukkanlah pasal-pasal yang mengandung semangat otoritarian. Kedua, setelah UU tersebut disahkan dan dijalankan, tidak ada juga bukti yang menunjukkan bahwa baik pemerintah (pusat) dan DPR memanfaatkan pasal-pasal tersebut untuk kepentingan mereka, mempertahankan kekuasaan. Dalam banyak kasus, yang menggunakan UU ITE adalah sesama masyarakat, perusahaan, kelompok agama, dan para pemimpin agama. Ketiga, yang secara konsisten terus menolak UU ITE ini adalah masyarakat sipil. Sejak kelahiran UU ITE, berbagai LSM dan akademisi secara aktif mengkritisi kelahiran UU ITE beserta pasal-pasalnya. Masyarakat sipil sejak awal sudah bisa menduga ancaman bahaya pasal-pasal bermasalah dalam UU tersebut. Keempat, Sikap pemerintah secara perlahan berubah. Bila pada 2016, pemerintah menganggap bahwa UU ITE tidak mengandung kelemahan substansial yang melemahkan demokrasi, pada 2021 cara pandang pemerintah berubah. Kelima, yang nampaknya belum berubah adalah DPR. Memang benar, DPR tidaklah berwajah tunggal. Di dalam DPR hadir banyak partai-partai politik yang memiliki sikap berbeda-beda. Namun demikian, tidak terlihat ada tanda-tanda bahwa DPR akan mengikuti langkah pemerintah untuk menulis ......This research aims to investigate three propositions related to internet regulation in Indonesia and the implementation of the Electronic Information and Transaction Law (ITE Law). First, the ITE Law has restricted freedom of expression in the digital public sphere. In this context, the research will investigate the impact of such restrictions on freedom of speech and public participation in a democratic political system. Second, in the implementation of the ITE Law, there are continuous tensions between the government, the legislature and civil society represented by activists fighting for freedom of expression on the internet. Third, there is a phenomenon of misuse of the ITE Law, where the regulation that was originally intended to regulate digital transactions on the internet, was later deflected so that the law was used to primarily limit freedom of expression on the internet. This research will investigate the impact and implications of the expansion of the scope of the regulation. The questions to be answered in this research are: (1) How does the process of the articles in the ITE Law potentially cripple democratization in Indonesia? (2) What are the implications of the implementation of the ITE Law on the freedom of expression and opinion of citizens and (3) What are the dynamics of the push-pull process between various stakeholders in the formulation and revision of the ITE Law, especially between the government, the Parliament, and civil society.This research leads to the following conclusions. First, there is insuf icient evidence to explain the background to the inclusion of a number of problematic articles in the ITE Law in 2008. The government and the House of Representatives originally prepared the ITE Bill to bring order to electronic business transactions, and pornography, which was becoming more prevalent at the time. However, at the last moment, articles that contained the spirit of authoritarianism were included. Secondly, after the law was passed and implemented, there is no evidence to suggest that either the government (central) or the House of Representatives (DPR) used the articles for their interests, maintaining power. In many cases, it was fellow citizens, companies, religious groups and religious leaders who used the law. Third, civil society has consistently rejected the ITE Law. Since the birth of the ITE Law, various NGOs and academics have actively criticized the birth of the ITE Law and its articles. Civil society has been able to foresee the danger of the problematic articles in the law from the beginning. Fourth, the government's attitude is slowly changing. If in 2016, the government considered that the ITE Law did not contain substantial weaknesses that weakened democracy, in 2021 the government's perspective has changed. Fifth, what does not seem to have changed is the DPR. It is true that the DPR is not single-faced. There are many political parties in the House that have dif erent stances. However, there is no sign that the DPR will follow the government's lead in rewriting

Abstrak :
Disertasi ini merupakan deskripsi, analisis dan interpretasi atas data dan pendataan perdesaan pasca lahirnya Undang-Undang Nomor 6 Tahun 2014 tentang Desa. Penulis mengusulkan tujuh tujuan penelitian saat ini. Pertama mengungkap kualitas data perdesaan, berupa data birokrat dan data warga yang menjadi basis data kebijakan publik. Kedua, mengungkap kekerasan simbolik pada pendataan perdesaan top down yang berpedoman pada norma yuridis melalui rekonstruksi genesis data birokrat. Ketiga, mendeskripsikan afirmasi simbolik pada pendataan perdesaan bottom up yang berpedoman pada norma sosiologis melalui rekonstruksi genesis data warga. Keempat, memetakan arena dan aktor pada pendataan perdesaan top down dan bottom up, serta relasinya dengan meta kapital perdesaan. Kelima, mengungkap kekerasan simbolik pada pendataan perdesaan top down yang mereproduksi kebijakan rekolonialisasi Keenam, mendeskripsikan dan menganalisis afirmasi simbolik pada pendataan perdesaan bottom up memproduksi kebijakan afirmatif. Ketujuh, menginterpretasikan kebijakan afirmatif sebagai implementasi amanat konstitusi untuk mencapai lima aspek kesejahteraan rakyat. Area studi: Desa Sibandang, Desa Pantai Bakti dan Desa Tegalallang. Penelitian menggunakan Mixed Methods Research (MMR) dengan Nesting Quantitative Data in Qualitative Designs. Data kualitatif diperoleh melalui in-depth interview dan Focus Group Discussion (FGD, diskusi terpumpun). Data kuantitatif dari Kementerian Dalam Negeri dan dari Badan Pusat Statistik, serta data mandiri dari praktik pendataan perdesaan bottom up. Pisau analisisnya menggunakan konsepkonsep Pierre Bourdieu dan Nick Couldry. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan kebijakan rekolonialisasi dan 'the vicious circle' kebijakan rekolonialisasi yang mengonfirmasi terbuktinya hipotesis, yaitu: semakin kuat doxa kekerasan simbolik pada norma yuridis pendataan, semakin kuat pseudo data, semakin kuat pseudo kebijakan publik; semakin kuat pseudo kebijakan publik, semakin kuat pseudo otoritas, semakin buruk perencanaan, pemrograman, penganggaran, pelaksanaan, pemantauan dan pengawasan kebijakan publik, semakin buruk pencapaian lima aspek kesejahteraan rakyat; semakin buruk pencapaian lima aspek kesejahteraan rakyat, perdesaan semakin termarginalkan; semakin kuat doxa kekerasan simbolik norma yuridis mereproduksi pseudo data, semakin berkesinambungan kekerasan simbolik; dan semakin berkesinambungan kekerasan simbolik, semakin dibutuhkan heteredoxa afirmasi simbolik, yang digambarkan dengan antitesa 'the truth circle' kebijakan afirmatif. Sintesa yang diusulkan dari disertasi ini adalah bagaimana membangun sistemik kebijakan publik berdasarkan pendataan desa berbasis pembangunan ilmu pengetahuan dan teknologi, sehingga memungkinkan lebih banyak ruang untuk komunikasi dan partisipasi penduduk desa. ......This dissertation describes, analyzes, and interprets big data within village data collection, following the ratification of Law of the Republic of Indonesia, Number 6 of 2014, concerning Village. The author proposes seven aims of current research. First, to unveil the quality of village data collection composed of bureaucratic data and villagers' data, which serves as the foundation of current public policy. Second, to reveal the symbolic violence found in the top-down model of village data collection, which refers dominantly to the juridical norms, by performing a bureaucratic data genesis reconstruction process. Third, to describe the symbolic affirmation of the bottom-up model of village data collection, which refers to sociological norms, by performing villagers' data genesis reconstruction process. Fourth, to design a map of the arena and actors involved in both models of village data collection, top-down and bottom-up, by relating them with a metacapital of the Village. Fifth, to expose the symbolic violence found in the top-down model of village data collection, which reproduces recolonization policy. Sixth, to describe and analyze the symbolic affirmation of the bottom-up model of village data collection, which produces affirmative policy. Seventh, to interpret the affirmative policy perceived as the implementation of the Constitutional mandate to finally achieve five dimensions of people's welfare. The research area comprises three distinct villages: Sibandang village in North Sumatera, Pantai Bakti village in West Java, and Tegallalang village in Bali. The author employs Mixed Methods Research (MMR) with Nesting Quantitative Data in Qualitative Designs. Qualitative data was obtained through in-depth interviews and Focus Group Discussions. Quantitative data was obtained from The Ministry of Internal Affairs and the Central Bureau of Statistics (BPS), supporting data from the researcher's independent enterprise and the bottom-up village data collection practices. The data was analyzed using conceptual tools from Pierre Bourdieu and Nick Couldry. The research findings show that recolonization policy and the vicious circle of derivative rules confirm the following hypotheses: the stronger symbolic violence doxa on the juridical norms of village data collection, the stronger pseudo data becomes and the stronger grips of pseudo-public policy; the stronger pseudo-public policy exists, the stronger pseudo authority exercises power, the worse planning, programming, budgeting, implementation, monitoring and surveillance of public policy becomes, and the further to achieve the five dimensions of people's welfare; the worse achievement of the five dimensions of people's welfare, the more marginalized villages become; the stronger symbolic violence doxa on the juridical norms reproduces pseudo data, the more sustainable symbolic violence becomes; and the more sustainable of symbolic violence, the more heteredoxa of symbolic affirmation needed—portrayed as the antithesis of 'the truth circle' of affirmative policy. The synthesis proposed from this dissertation would be how to build the systemic public policies based on the constructed version of science and technology's village data collection, allowing more space for villagers' communication and participation.

Abstrak :
ABSTRAK
Fokus disertasi ini melakukan analisis struktur jaringan komunikasi dalam gerakan sosial lingkungan pada komunitas adat Samin di Pati Jawa Tengah, khususnya analisis faktor-faktor yang mempengaruhi sentralitas jaringan komunikasi dan kontribusinya untuk mendorong partisipasi masyarakat dalam suatu gerakan sosial lingkungan. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kuantitatif dan kualitatif, mencakup analisis struktur jaringan komunikasi dengan UCINET dan analisis statistik dengan Path Analysis. Hasil temuan penelitian menunjukkan bahwa (1) struktur jaringan yang terbentuk pada Komunitas Adat Samin di Dukuh Bombong, terkait isu rencana pendirian pabrik semen memiliki kohesifitas yang rendah, pola jaringan komunikasi yang terbentuk menyebar dan mengalami fragmentasi, (2) faktor-faktor yang mempengaruhi tingkat sentralitas jaringan yaitu persepsi individu dan tingkat political engagement, (3) faktor-faktor yang mempengaruhi tingkat partisipasi dalam gerakan sosial yaitu tingkat political engagement, tingkat keterlibatan dalam afiliasi, dan tingkat sentralitas. Dengan demikian, terbukti bahwa sentralitas jaringan komunikasi memiliki pengaruh terhadap partisipasi masyarakat dalam gerakan sosial ?tolak pabrik semen?.

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ABSTRACT
The focus of this dissertation is to analyze the structure of the communication networks in the environmental social movement in Samin indigenous communities in Pati, Central Java, to analyze the factors affecting communication networks centrality and its contribution to promote public participation in a enviromental movement. This study used quantitative and qualitative approach, used structural analysis with UCINET communications networks and statistical analysis with Path Analysis. The results of this study showed that (1) network structure formed in Samin Indigenous Communities related to the establishment of cement factory had a low cohesiveness, patterns communication networks had a spread and fragmented shaped, (2) factors that affect the level of the centrality of the network that is the perception of the individual and the level of political engagement, (3) the factors that influence the level of participation in social movements, namely the level of political engagement, the level of involvement in the affiliate, and the degree of centrality. Thus, it is evident that the centrality of communication networks had an influence on people's participation in social movements "Tolak Pabrik Semen".

Abstrak :
Penelitian ini dilatarbelakangi oleh kenyataan di lapangan banyaknya hubungan atau relasi yang terputus di antara para aktor politik dimana hubungan yang terputus tersebut menciptakan ruang kosong yang disebut dengan celah struktur (structural holes). Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk melihat celah struktur di dalam jaringan komunikasi politik di Indonesia dalam studi kasus pemilihan Presiden 2014. Untuk mendapatkan hasil penelitian diatas digunakan metodologi gabungan atau biasa disebut dengan mix methods dengan paradigma post positivis. Dari analisa terhadap temuan lapangan di dapatkan hasil bahwa celah struktur (structural holes) di dalam jaringan komunikasi politik di Indonesia tercipta dari relasi yang luas, yang memiliki tujuan tertentu yang jelas, bersifat formal, kolektif serta oleh aktor yang memiliki jabatan formal di partai politik. Sedangkan aktor yang diuntungkan (tertius gaudens) merupakan orang yang memiliki jabatan formal tinggi di partai politik serta memiliki kesamaan pekerjaan sebagai anggota parlemen.

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The background of this research is caused by the reality in the field reality that there are relations which have been disconnected among political actors, and that those disconnected communications create empty space called as structural holes. This research aims to observe at the structural holes in the political communication network in Indonesia in the case study of the 2014 Presidential General Election. To obtain the research result, a mixed method is used, and it is usually called a mixed method with post positivism paradigm. From the analysis towards the field findings, the results obtained are that the structural holes in the political communication network in Indonesian have been created from a wide relation, having certain clear, formal, and collective objectives and conducted by actors having a formal position in a political party. Nevertheless, the actor gaining the advantages (tertius gaudens) are those who have persons who have a high formal position in a political party and have a similar job as a Parliament member.

Abstrak :
Proses migrasi digital televisi di Indonesia telah berlangsung sejak tahun 2007. Selama lebih dari satu dekade, tenggat waktu analogue switch off/ASO di Indonesia terus mundur meskipun International Telecommunication Union (ITU) melalui The Geneva 2006 Frequency Plan (GE06) Agreement telah memberikan target bagi negara-negara di dunia untuk melakukan migrasi dari analog ke digital (analogue switch off/ASO) paling lambat pada tahun 2015. Pada tahun 2022, dengan dasar hukum UU No. 11 Tahun 2020 tentang Cipta Kerja, pemerintah memutuskan bahwa pada November 2022 Indonesia akan melaksanakan ASO. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengkaji kontestasi terkait proses digitalisasi penyiaran televisi. Tanpa dilandasi oleh UU Penyiaran yang harusnya menjadi dasar hukum kebijakan penyiaran di Indonesia, ASO di Indonesia menghadapi berbagai permasalahan mendasar, seperti pengaturan multiplexing, pembagian set top box (STB), dan pengelolaan digital dividend. Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa di dalam pelaksanaan digitalisasi penyiaran, pemain besar industri pertelevisian adalah pihak yang paling diuntungkan. Sementara industri pertelevisian skala kecil terhimpit dan termarjinalkan. Selain menguntungkan konglomerat media, proses digitalisasi di Indonesia juga semakin menghilangkan peran representasi masyarakat sipil, seperti akademisi, dan organisasi profesi penyiaran lainnya. Melalui Kementerian Kominfo, pemerintah mengambil seluruh wewenang dalam proses digitalisasi penyiaran televisi. ......The process of television digital migration in Indonesia has been going on since 2007. For more than a decade, the analogue switch off/AS deadline in Indonesia continues to fall back even though the International Telecommunication Union (ITU) through the Geneva 2006 Frequency Plan (GE06) Agreement has provided targets for countries in the world to migrate from analogue switch off/ASO no later than 2015. In 2022, with the legal basis of Law No. 11 of 2020 regarding job creation, the government decided that in November 2022 Indonesia would implement ASO. This research aims to examine the contestation related to the process of digitalization of television broadcasting. Without being based on the Broadcasting Law, which should be the legal basis of broadcasting policy in Indonesia, ASO in Indonesia faces various fundamental problems, such as regulating multiplexing, distributing Set Top Boxes (STB), and managing digital dividend. This study found that in the implementation of digitalization of broadcasting, the big players of the television industry are the most beneficial parties. Meanwhile, the small-scale television industry is squeezed and marginalized. Beside of benefiting media conglomerates, the digitalization process in Indonesia is also increasingly eliminating the role of civil society representatives, such as academics, and other broadcasting professional organizations. Through the Ministry of Communication and Information, the government takes all authority in the process of digitalizing television broadcasting.