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Tiara Sarah Putri Sumantri
Abstrak :
ABSTRAK
Tesis ini mengkaji pengaruh lingkungan eksternal terhadap kebijakan hak kewarganegaraan Kurdi di Turki pada masa pemerintahan Perdana Menteri Recep Tayyib Erdogan tahun 2003-2012. Penelitian ini menggunakan dua teori yang diungkapkan Will Kymlicka mengenai Hak Kewarganegaraan Multikultur dan Teori Nasionalisme. Dengan metode penelitian kualitatif, penelitian ini berupaya mengidentifikasi bentuk hak kewarganegaraan yang diberlakukan Turki ditengah lingkungan eskternal yang mempengaruhinya. Faktor ekternal yang dimaksud datang dari proses aksesi UE dan pendirian federasi Kurdi di Irak. Tesis ini pada akhirnya menyimpulkan, ketidakmampuan pemerintah untuk menyediakan ruang represtasi bagi kelompok Kurdi dan ketidakmampuan aspirasi kelompok Kurdi untuk bertransformasi kedalam gerakan politik, adalah hambatan utama berlangsungnya kehidupan bangsa multietnis yang demokratis di Turki.
ABSTRACT
The focus of this thesis is to investigate the influence of external environment to the Kurd’s citizenship right in Turkey during the period of Prime Minister Recep Tayyib Erdogan in the year 2003-2012. The research based on Will Kymlicka’s theories about Multiculturalism Citizenship and Nationalism. Using the qualitative method, this thesis efforts to explain the model of Turkey’s minority citizenship right under the external environment that come from UE’s accession and the establishment of Kurd’s federation in Iraq. In the end, the thesis conclude that the inability of the government to provide space for Kurdish representative and the Kurdish inability to transform their aspiration into a political movement, had been the main obstacle of democratic life of multi-ethnic nation in Turkey.
Depok: Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Indonesia, 2014
T35854
UI - Tesis Membership  Universitas Indonesia Library
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Lubis, Yurial Arief
Abstrak :
Penelitian ini dilatarbelakangi oleh peristiwa kemenangan pasangan calon perseorangan OK. Arya Zulkarnain dan Gong Matua Siregar dalam pemilihan kepala daerah secara langsung di Kabupaten Batu Bara pada tahun 2008. Terpilihnya pasangan calon perseorangan ini menjadi Bupati dan Wakil Bupati Kabupaten Batu Bara, merupakan kemenangan yang pertama pada pemilihan kepala daerah di tingkat kabupaten di Indonesia. Pasangan calon perseorangan OK. Arya dan Gong Siregar berhasil menggungguli pasangan lainnya, termasuk pasangan-pasangan calon yang diusung oleh partai politik. Sebagai kerangka pemikiran yang menjadi pijakan teori, penelitian ini menggunakan teori demokrasi Robert Dahl yang mengajukan indikator-indikator menuju perubahan demokrasi, teori Juan Linz yang menjelaskan agar demokrasi dapat terkonsolidasi. Dan dalam penelitian ini penulis juga menggunakan teori elit, teori komunikasi politik, dan teori political marketing. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif, dengan teknik mengumpulkan data dari KPUD Kabupaten Batu Bara, Bappeda Kabupaten Batu Bara, buku-buku, literatur, jurnal dan beberapa sumber internet, serta wawancara mendalam dengan 7 sumber informan. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa ada 2 (dua) faktor dominan penyebab kemenangan pasangan calon perseorangan OK. Arya dan Gong Siregar. Dua faktor dominan yang dimaksud antara lain, yang pertama, faktor ketokohan OK. Arya sebagai pejuang pemekaran. Dan yang kedua, faktor organisasi GEMKARA sebagai mesin pemenangan pengganti partai politik. Disisi lain kemenangan pasangan calon perseorangan OK. Arya dan Gong Siregar menunjukkan bahwa terdapat permasalahan pada pola rekrutmen dan mesin pemenangan partai poltik. ......This Reseach is based on the case of personal candidates OK. Arya Zulkarnain and Gong Matua Siregar Winning local elections in the District of Batu Bara in 2008. The election of personal candidates to be the Regent and Vice Regent in the District of Batu Bara, is the first victory in the local elections at the district level in Indonesia. Personal candidates OK. Arya and Gong Siregar managed to win from the other candidates, particularly the candidate promoted by political parties. As a frame of mind which became the foundation theory, this research uses the theory of democracy Robert Dahl who filed the indicators toward democratic change, Juan Linz theory that explains that democracy can be consolidated. And in this study the author also uses an elite theory, theories of political communication and political marketing theory. This research used qualitative methods, the technique of collecting data from KPUD in the district of Batu Bara, Bappeda in the district of Batu Bara, books, literature, journals and internet sources, as well as in-depth interviews with 7 sources of informants. Its showed that, there are 2 (two) dominant factors causing personal candidate wins OK. Arya and Gong Siregar. two dominant factors are, among others, the first Factors figure OK. Arya as a fighter who makes the blossoming district. And second, organizational factors GEMKARA as a substitute for a political party winning machine. On the other hand the victory of personal candidates OK. Arya and Gong Siregar shows that there are problems in the recruitment pattern and the winning party's machine politic.
Depok: Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Indonesia, 2013
T33747
UI - Tesis Membership  Universitas Indonesia Library
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Lubis, Yurial Arief
Abstrak :
Penelitian ini dilatarbelakangi oleh peristiwa kemenangan pasangan calon perseorangan OK. Arya Zulkarnain dan Gong Matua Siregar dalam pemilihan kepala daerah secara langsung di Kabupaten Batu Bara pada tahun 2008. Terpilihnya pasangan calon perseorangan ini menjadi Bupati dan Wakil Bupati Kabupaten Batu Bara, merupakan kemenangan yang pertama pada pemilihan kepala daerah di tingkat kabupaten di Indonesia. Pasangan calon perseorangan OK. Arya dan Gong Siregar berhasil menggungguli pasangan lainnya, termasuk pasangan-pasangan calon yang diusung oleh partai politik. Sebagai kerangka pemikiran yang menjadi pijakan teori, penelitian ini menggunakan teori demokrasi Robert Dahl yang mengajukan indikator-indikator menuju perubahan demokrasi, teori Juan Linz yang menjelaskan agar demokrasi dapat terkonsolidasi. Dan dalam penelitian ini penulis juga menggunakan teori elit, teori komunikasi politik, dan teori political marketing. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif, dengan teknik mengumpulkan data dari KPUD Kabupaten Batu Bara, Bappeda Kabupaten Batu Bara, bukubuku, literatur, jurnal dan beberapa sumber internet, serta wawancara mendalam dengan 7 sumber informan. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa ada 2 (dua) faktor dominan penyebab kemenangan pasangan calon perseorangan OK. Arya dan Gong Siregar. Dua faktor dominan yang dimaksud antara lain, yang pertama, faktor ketokohan OK. Arya sebagai pejuang pemekaran. Dan yang kedua, faktor organisasi GEMKARA sebagai mesin pemenangan pengganti partai politik. Disisi lain kemenangan pasangan calon perseorangan OK. Arya dan Gong Siregar menunjukkan bahwa terdapat permasalahan pada pola rekrutmen dan mesin pemenangan partai poltik. ......This Reseach is based on the case of personal candidates OK. Arya Zulkarnain and Gong Matua Siregar Winning local elections in the District of Batu Bara in 2008. The election of personal candidates to be the Regent and Vice Regent in the District of Batu Bara, is the first victory in the local elections at the district level in Indonesia. Personal candidates OK. Arya and Gong Siregar managed to win from the other candidates, particularly the candidate promoted by political parties. As a frame of mind which became the foundation theory, this research uses the theory of democracy Robert Dahl who filed the indicators toward democratic change, Juan Linz theory that explains that democracy can be consolidated. And in this study the author also uses an elite theory, theories of political communication and political marketing theory. This research used qualitative methods, the technique of collecting data from KPUD in the district of Batu Bara, Bappeda in the district of Batu Bara, books, literature, journals and internet sources, as well as in-depth interviews with 7 sources of informants. The results showed that, there are 2 (two) dominant factors causing personal candidate wins OK. Arya and Gong Siregar. two dominant factors are, among others, the first Factors figure OK. Arya as a fighter who makes the blossoming district. And second, organizational factors GEMKARA as a substitute for a political party winning machine. On the other hand the victory of personal candidates OK. Arya and Gong Siregar shows that there are problems in the recruitment pattern and the winning party's machine politic.
Depok: Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Indonesia, 2013
T-pdf
UI - Tesis Membership  Universitas Indonesia Library
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Nurul Fajri Vidi Astuti
Abstrak :
Penelitian ini akan menjelaskan mengenai bagaimana komunitas masyarakat sipil dalam pengawalan kebijakan yang menjalankan peran enabling, coordinating, dan change facilitating. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan studi kasus pengawalan Komunitas Peduli Sungai Cileungsi – Cikeas (KP2C) terhadap Peraturan Daerah Kota Bekasi Nomor 07 Tahun 2007 tentang Izin Pembuangan Limbah Cair, khususnya mengenai fenomena pencemaran Kali Bekasi yang terjadi tahun 2016 – 2019. Tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk menunjukkan bahwa melalui peran enabling, coordinating, dan change facilitating yang dilaksanakan oleh KP2C sebagai komunitas masyarakat sipil ternyata memiliki pengaruh dalam meningkatkan partisipasi masyarakat sipil untuk mengawal Peraturan Daerah Nomor 07 Tahun 2007 tentang Izin Pembuangan Limbah Cair, meskipun KP2C masih memiliki kendala dalam hal penegakan hukum terhadap industri-industri yang melanggar. Hal ini membuktikan bahwa masyarakat sipil juga menjadi aktor yang bisa diperhitungkan dalam pengawalan kebijakan selain dari political maupun business society. Ditemukan pula dalam penelitian ini bahwa pada tingkat lokal, hubungan komunitas masyarakat sipil dengan pemerintah tidak selalu dalam model oposisi, namun juga dapat bersifat cooperation dan menjadi mitra dari pemerintah dalam menangani pencemaran Kali Bekasi tahun 2016 – 2019. ......This research will explain about civil society community in escorting the policies that carry out the role of enabling, coordinating, and change facilitating. This study uses a qualitative method with a case study of Komunitas Peduli Sungai Cileungsi – Cikeas (KP2C) in conducting escort to the Bekasi City Regional Regulation Number 07 of 2007 concerning Permit for Liquid Waste Disposal, specifically regarding to the Bekasi River pollution phenomenon that occurred in 2016 - 2019. The purpose of this study is to show that through the role of enabling, coordinating, and change facilitating carried out by KP2C as a civil society community, it turns out that KP2C also has an influence in increasing civil society participation in guarding Regional Regulation Number 07 of 2007 concerning Permit for Liquid Waste Disposal, even though KP2C still has problems in terms of law enforcement against violating industries. It was also found in this study that at the local level, the relationship between the civil society community and the government is not always in the opposition model, but also can be cooperative in nature and become a partner of the government in dealing with the pollution of Bekasi River in 2016 - 2019.
Depok: Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Indonesia, 2019
S-Pdf
UI - Skripsi Membership  Universitas Indonesia Library
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Heru Permana Putra
Abstrak :
Kota Padang sebagai salah satu daerah di Indonesia yang menerapkan kebijakan berdasarkan syariah atau kebijakan yang bersumber dari ajaran agama Islam, seperti Perda No. 6 Tahun 2003 tentang Wajib Pandai Baca Tulis Al Quran dan Intruksi Walikota Padang Nomor 451.422/Binsos-III/2005 tentang Kewajiban Mengenakan Jilbab dan Busana Islami (bagi penduduk yang memeluk Islam) dan Anjuran Memakainya (untuk non-Muslim). Tesis ini menganalisis latarbelakang dan kepentingan elite politik Kota Padang di balik munculnya kebijakan tersebut. kerangka analisis dalam penelitian ini menggunakan teori elite dan teori kebijakan publik. Penelitian ini dilakukan dengan menggunakan metode kualitatif. Dengan teknik pengumpulan data wawancara mendalam. Pemilihan target informan dalam penelitian ini adalah stakeholders atau elite politik di Kota Padang yang terlibat dalam munculnya kebijakan berdasarkan syariah tersebut. pengolahan data dilakukan dengan menggunakan metode deskriptif-analitis. Hasil penelitian menemukan bahwa walikota Padang memunculkan kebijakan berdasarkan syariah dengan alas an bahwa perilaku para pelajar di Kota Padang banyak yang tidak lagi sesuai dengan filosofi kehidupan masyarakat Minangkabau yang memegang teguh falsafah adat ?Adat basandi syarak, syarak basandi Kitabullah. Namun bagi elite politik, ruang ABS-SBK tidak semata konstruksi kultural, tetapi juga ruang politis, mereka menjadikan jargon budaya itu sebagai latarbelakang untuk menerapkan kebijakan berdasarkan syariah yang populis sebagai agenda untuk meraih simpati dari masayarakat Kota Padang. ...... Padang City is one of several regions in Indonesia which implements sharia based policies or policies derived from the teachings of Islam, such as the Regulation No. 6 of 2003 about compulsory of Quran literacy and the Instruction No. 451.422/Binsos-III/2005 about obligation wearing hijab and Islamic clothing (for moslem) and the suggestion to wear it (for non-Moslims). This thesis will analyze the background the interests of Padang's political elite behind the rise of those sharia based policies, of the emergence of policy and political interest of the ruling elite on those sharia based policy. This study used elite theory and public policy theory, as it tools of analysis. This is a qualitative research using in-depth interviews for data collection. Informants in this research are stakeholders or Padang political elite who were involved in the making of those sharia based policy. The data is analyzed using by descriptive-analytical method. This research shows that sharia based policies can be comprehended as a manifestation in increasing local participation in developing the religious life and supporting government programs. Padang the mayor based his sharia based policies on current condition of students behavior in Padang who are no longer in accordance with the Minangkabau philosophy of life which uphold the philosophy of adat basandi syarak, syarak basandi kitabullah. But for the political elite, ABS-SBK space is not merely a cultural construction, but also the political space, they make the cultural philosophy as background to implement populist policies based on sharia agenda to gain the sympathy of the citizen of Padang.
Depok: Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Indonesia, 2014
T-pdf
UI - Tesis Membership  Universitas Indonesia Library
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Roberto Salu Situru
Abstrak :
[ABSTRAK
Penelitian ini hendak mengetahui perkembangan bosisme lokal di Indonesia pada era desentralisasi. Penelitian akan terfokus pada kemunculan Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar sebagai bos lokal serta penguatan jaringan yang ia lakukan. Peneliti menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan pendekatan wawancara mendalam, observasi dan pengumpulan dokumen. Teori yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini yaitu teori mengenai orang kuat lokal, teori mengenai bossisme lokal, teori dinasti politik dan teori mengenai hubungan patron-klien.

Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa kemunculan Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar sebagai bos lokal dimulai sejak ia menduduki jabatan bupati. Selain itu, melemahnya kontrol DPRD Polewali Mandar turut mempermudah langkahnya untuk menjadi bos lokal. Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar melakukan money politics atau political buying untuk mempertahankan kekuasaannya. Kekuatan politik Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar didukung Partai Golkar dan Partai Gerindra di Polewali Mandar. Ia juga merangkul kalangan agamawan, jurnalis/pers lokal, jaringan birokrasi, hingga para pengusaha lokal dalam memperkuat kekuasaannya. Status kebangsawanan Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar menjadi modal sosial di tengah masyarakat Mandar yang bersifat patrimodial, hal ini semakin meperkuat eksistensinya sebagai bos lokal di Polewali Mandar. Selain itu, Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar juga mempunyai modal ekonomi yang kuat, ia di kenal sebagai keluarga yang kaya raya dan kontrol terhadap sumber-sumber ekonomi berupa proyek pemerintah.

Implikasi teori memperlihatkan bahwa kekuasaan Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar tidak sepenuhnya memenuhi kriteria yang dimaksud dalam teori local strongmen atau local bossism. Salah satu kriteria yang tidak terpenuhi ialah penggunaan kekerasan, intimidasi terhadap lawan politiknya. Akan tetapi, hal ini tidak mengugurkan keberadaan Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar sebagai bos lokal karena kekuasaan yang dimiliki sudah membentuk dinasti polit;This research seek to understand the development of local bosism in Indonesia during the decentralization era. The research will focus on the emerge of Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar as local boss as well as his strengthening of the the network he conducted. This research was applying qualitative method with deep interview approach, observation and documents collecting. The Theory used in this research was a theory concerning local strong person, theory concerning local bossism, political dynasty theory and theory concerning patronge-client. The research result shows that the arising of Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar as local boss began since he was appointed as Head of Regency (Bupati). Beside that, the weakening of control on Polewali Mandar Regional Representative (DPRD) contributed facilitating his steps to become a local bos. Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar conducted money politics or political buying to defense his power. Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar?s political power was supported by Golkar Party and Gerindra Party in Polewali Mandar. He also embraced religious prominent, journalists/local pers, bureaucrat network, until local businessman in strengthening his power. The nobility status of Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar became a social capital among Mandar community which having patrimodial nature, this strengthened his existeance as local bos in Polewali Mandar. Beside that, Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar also had a strong economical capital, he was prominent as a rich and welthy family and has a control on economical resources such as government projects. The theory implication shows that the power of Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar did not meet the criteria mentioned in the teori local strongmen theory or local bossism. One of the criteria which did not met was the using of strength, intimidation to the opposite politicians. But, this did not vanishing the existance of Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar as local boss since the power he owed had established a political dynasty supporting by three elements politicians, bureaucration, and businessman.;This research seek to understand the development of local bosism in Indonesia during the decentralization era. The research will focus on the emerge of Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar as local boss as well as his strengthening of the the network he conducted. This research was applying qualitative method with deep interview approach, observation and documents collecting. The Theory used in this research was a theory concerning local strong person, theory concerning local bossism, political dynasty theory and theory concerning patronge-client. The research result shows that the arising of Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar as local boss began since he was appointed as Head of Regency (Bupati). Beside that, the weakening of control on Polewali Mandar Regional Representative (DPRD) contributed facilitating his steps to become a local bos. Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar conducted money politics or political buying to defense his power. Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar?s political power was supported by Golkar Party and Gerindra Party in Polewali Mandar. He also embraced religious prominent, journalists/local pers, bureaucrat network, until local businessman in strengthening his power. The nobility status of Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar became a social capital among Mandar community which having patrimodial nature, this strengthened his existeance as local bos in Polewali Mandar. Beside that, Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar also had a strong economical capital, he was prominent as a rich and welthy family and has a control on economical resources such as government projects. The theory implication shows that the power of Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar did not meet the criteria mentioned in the teori local strongmen theory or local bossism. One of the criteria which did not met was the using of strength, intimidation to the opposite politicians. But, this did not vanishing the existance of Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar as local boss since the power he owed had established a political dynasty supporting by three elements politicians, bureaucration, and businessman., This research seek to understand the development of local bosism in Indonesia during the decentralization era. The research will focus on the emerge of Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar as local boss as well as his strengthening of the the network he conducted. This research was applying qualitative method with deep interview approach, observation and documents collecting. The Theory used in this research was a theory concerning local strong person, theory concerning local bossism, political dynasty theory and theory concerning patronge-client. The research result shows that the arising of Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar as local boss began since he was appointed as Head of Regency (Bupati). Beside that, the weakening of control on Polewali Mandar Regional Representative (DPRD) contributed facilitating his steps to become a local bos. Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar conducted money politics or political buying to defense his power. Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar’s political power was supported by Golkar Party and Gerindra Party in Polewali Mandar. He also embraced religious prominent, journalists/local pers, bureaucrat network, until local businessman in strengthening his power. The nobility status of Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar became a social capital among Mandar community which having patrimodial nature, this strengthened his existeance as local bos in Polewali Mandar. Beside that, Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar also had a strong economical capital, he was prominent as a rich and welthy family and has a control on economical resources such as government projects. The theory implication shows that the power of Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar did not meet the criteria mentioned in the teori local strongmen theory or local bossism. One of the criteria which did not met was the using of strength, intimidation to the opposite politicians. But, this did not vanishing the existance of Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar as local boss since the power he owed had established a political dynasty supporting by three elements politicians, bureaucration, and businessman.]
2014
T43210
UI - Tesis Membership  Universitas Indonesia Library
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Ilyas
Abstrak :
[ABSTRAK
Tujuan dari tesis ini adalah untuk mengetahui sejauh mana pengaruh faktor-faktor identitas dan identifikasi politik masyarakat terhadap rendahnya perolehan suara parpol Islam. Selain itu juga untuk mengidentifikasi faktor-faktor perilaku apa saja dan interaksi politik parpol Islam seperti apa yang berpengaruh terhadap menurunnya elektabilitas, serta apakah perubahan landscape politik nasional dalam sejarah politik Indonesia berpengaruh terhadap strategi parpol Islam untuk mengantisipasi penurunan elektabilitas tersebut. Pemilu 2014 menjadi potret terbaru bagaimana partai Islam kembali mengulangi sejarah yang sama, yakni tidak mampu mendobrak dominasi partai-partai nasionalis dalam perolehan suara pemilu di Indonesia. Kekalahan ini menghidupkan lagi wacana sekaligus perdebatan mengenai berakhirnya politik aliran di Indonesia. Dalam penelitian ini, ditemukan bahwa politik aliran itu tidak betul-betul berakhir. Meskipun pengaruhnya terhadap pemilih tidak sekuat Pemilu 1955, namun politik aliran tetap bereksistensi. Tentu saja saat ini trikotomi Geertz, yang membagi umat Islam atas santri, priyayi, dan abangan, tidak terlalu relevan. Sebab, umat Islam sudah semakin rasional dalam memilih, tak terkecuali kaum santri. Di sisi lain, partai politik sendiri cenderung bergeser ke tengah. Partai-partai nasionalis saat ini tidak “anti” Islam. Bahkan partai seperti PDIP, Gerindra, dan Golkar sudah punya sayap organisasi Islam. Sebaliknya, partai Islam seperti PPP dan PKS sudah sering menyatakan diri sebagai partai terbuka, sebagai respon dari asumsi bahwa politik aliran sudah mencair dan bahkan berakhir. Selain persoalan tersebut, dalam tesis ini juga dikemukakan mengenai prospek partai Islam, yang di antaranya dengan mengacu pada hasil suara partai Islam dalam Pemilu 2014 dan posisinya ketika dikonfrontir dengan berbagai hasil survei yang menyebutkan bahwa partai Islam pasca Pemilu 2014 akan suram. Tesis ini menggunakan teori partai politik dan teori ideologi, bagaimana teori tersebut melihat partai Islam di Indonesia. Konsep-konsep, baik dari Geertz yang membagi umat Islam di Jawa yang terdiri dari santri, abangan, dan priyayi, maupun dari Herbert Faith juga menjadi salah satu pembanding, apakah konsep-konsep tersebut masih relevan dalam melihat politik aliran dalam Pemilu 2014.
ABSTRACT
The purpose of this thesis is to determine the extent of the influence of factors of identity and political identification of society to the low number of votes of Islamic political parties. In addition, to identify the factors and interaction behavior any Islamic political parties as to what effect on decreasing elektabilitas, and whether changes in the national political landscape in Indonesia's political history affect the strategy of Islamic political parties to anticipate the decline elektabilitas. Election of 2014 became the latest portrait how Islamic parties reiterated the same history, which is not able to break the dominance of nationalist parties in the history of vote elections in Indonesia. This defeat at the same discourse revive debate about the end of the flow in Indonesian politics. In this study, it was found that the flow politics not really ended. Although its influence on voters is not as strong as the 1955 election, but the political stream remains to exist. Of course, this time the trichotomy of Geertz, which divides the muslim students, gentry, and abangan, not too relevant. Therefore, the muslim students are increasingly rational in choosing, not to mention the students. On the other hand, the political parties themselves are likely to shift to the center. Nationalist parties today are not "anti" Islam. Even parties like PDIP, Gerindra, and Golkar already have Islamic organization‟s wings. In contrast, Islamist parties like PPP and PKS have often refers to himself as an open party, with the assumption that the political stream has ended. In this thesis also expressed about the prospects for Islamic parties, some of which with reference to the Islamic party‟s vote in the 2014 election and its position when confronted with various results of many survey say that the Islamist party after the 2014 election will be bleak. This thesis uses the theory of political parties and the theory of ideology, how these theories see Islamic parties in Indonesia. Concepts, both of Geertz that divides Muslims in Java, which consists of students, abangan, and gentry, and of Herbert She also became one of the comparison, whether these concepts are still relevant in view of the political streams in the 2014 election, The purpose of this thesis is to determine the extent of the influence of factors of identity and political identification of society to the low number of votes of Islamic political parties. In addition, to identify the factors and interaction behavior any Islamic political parties as to what effect on decreasing elektabilitas, and whether changes in the national political landscape in Indonesia's political history affect the strategy of Islamic political parties to anticipate the decline elektabilitas. Election of 2014 became the latest portrait how Islamic parties reiterated the same history, which is not able to break the dominance of nationalist parties in the history of vote elections in Indonesia. This defeat at the same discourse revive debate about the end of the flow in Indonesian politics. In this study, it was found that the flow politics not really ended. Although its influence on voters is not as strong as the 1955 election, but the political stream remains to exist. Of course, this time the trichotomy of Geertz, which divides the muslim students, gentry, and abangan, not too relevant. Therefore, the muslim students are increasingly rational in choosing, not to mention the students. On the other hand, the political parties themselves are likely to shift to the center. Nationalist parties today are not "anti" Islam. Even parties like PDIP, Gerindra, and Golkar already have Islamic organization‟s wings. In contrast, Islamist parties like PPP and PKS have often refers to himself as an open party, with the assumption that the political stream has ended. In this thesis also expressed about the prospects for Islamic parties, some of which with reference to the Islamic party‟s vote in the 2014 election and its position when confronted with various results of many survey say that the Islamist party after the 2014 election will be bleak. This thesis uses the theory of political parties and the theory of ideology, how these theories see Islamic parties in Indonesia. Concepts, both of Geertz that divides Muslims in Java, which consists of students, abangan, and gentry, and of Herbert She also became one of the comparison, whether these concepts are still relevant in view of the political streams in the 2014 election]
2015
T44378
UI - Tesis Membership  Universitas Indonesia Library
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Rizky Nugraha Murnawan
Abstrak :
Tesis ini dilatarbelakangi proses revisi UU No. 22 Tahun 2001 tentang Migas yang tidak kunjung selesai pada periode DPR tahun 2009-2014. Adanya relasi kepentingan politik dan ekonomi membuat revisi UU ini terpaksa dilanjutkan oleh DPR periode selanjutnya. Terhambatnya proses tersebut menyebabkan ketidakpastian hukum dalam sektor migas di Indonesia karena BP Migas dibubarkan pada tahun 2012 yang lalu. Kemudian pengganti BP Migas yakni SKK Migas dianggap merupakan perwujudan lain dari BP Migas. Selain itu, salah satu rekomendasi panitia angket BBM tahun 2009 menyebutkan agar revisi UU No. 22 Tahun 2001 tentang Migas diselesaikan oleh DPR periode 2009-2014. Unit analisa dari penelitian ini adalah proses revisi UU Migas oleh Komisi VII yang juga melibatkan asosiasi pengusaha dan masyarakat sipil. Metode penelitian yang digunakan ialah metode penelitian kualitatif. Data diperoleh melalui studi literatur, dan wawancara. Beberapa teori yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini yakni teori elit, teori pilihan rasional, teori perumusan kebijakan, teori politik kebijakan dan teori otonomi relatif negara. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa terjadinya tarik menarik kepentingan dalam proses revisi UU Migas sehingga menyebabkan proses revisi UU tersebut menjadi terhambat. Selain itu, pada proses perumusaan kebijakan yang strategis seperti migas, intervensi dan kepentingan pelaku bisnis sulit untuk dihindarkan. Kelompok elit juga berperan terhadap terhambatnya proses revisi UU Migas di DPR pada periode 2009-2014. Kesimpulan dari penelitian ini ialah selalu ada relasi antara kepentingan politik dan bisnis pada sektor-sektor strategis, tidak terkecuali migas. Kepentingan elit baik politik maupun bisnis untuk membentuk badan pengusahaan menjadi salah satu indikasi lain munculnya relasi di antara kelompok-kelompok tersebut. Selain itu, tarik-menarik kepentingan dalam isu kelembagaan sektor migas merupakan faktor utama yang menghambat proses revisi UU Migas.
Depok: Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Indonesia, 2015
T43550
UI - Tesis Membership  Universitas Indonesia Library
cover
Moh. Rizky Godjali
Abstrak :
[ABSTRAK
Penelitian tesis ini dilatarbelakangi oleh fakta politik yang menunjukkan kemampuan Partai Golkar di Kabupaten dan Kota Serang dalam meraih suara yang relatif stabil dari Pemilu 1999 hingga Pemilu 2014. Partai Golkar di Kabupaten dan Kota Serang muncul sebagai partai yang berhasil menempatkan kadernya pada posisi strategis di lembaga legislatif dan eksekutif daerah dalam momentum Pemilu dan Pilkada. Strategi politik Partai Golkar di kedua wilayah ini terletak pada kekuatan struktur dan kemampuan memanfaatkan kultur politik lokal masyarakatnya. Penelitian dilakukan dengan tujuan untuk mengetahui strategi politik dan usaha Partai Golkar mengembangkan struktur politik, serta kemampuan Partai Golkar memanfaatkan kultur politik lokal di masyarakat dalam rangka mempertahankan dan meningkatkan perolehan suara pada Pemilu 2014 di Kabupaten dan Kota Serang. Sebagai alat bantu analisa kajian ini dipakai pendekatan pelembagaan partai politik dan budaya politik. Konsep pelembagaan partai politik sebagaimana dikemukakan Huntington, serta Vicky Randall dan Lars Svasand digunakan dalam mengkaji kekuatan struktur sebagai instrumen yang berpengaruh terhadap strategi politik Partai Golkar. Sedangkan teori budaya politik yang digagas Almond dan Verba dijabarkan dalam upaya menjelaskan kondisi kultur politik lokal masyarakat di Kabupaten dan Kota Serang. Kemampuan Partai Golkar untuk menggunakan budaya politik lokal menjadi elemen determinan dalam upaya mempertahankan dan menguatkan perolehan suara pada Pemilu 2014. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif. Jenis penelitian bersifat deskriptif analitis. Pengumpulan data dilakukan berdasarkan wawancara mendalam (indepth interview) dengan pengurus DPD II Partai Golkar Kabupaten/Kota Serang, akademisi, dan tokoh jawara serta ulama di wilayah Serang. Telaah dokumentasi juga dilakukan sebagai sumber data. Temuan penelitian sampai pada kesimpulan bahwa aspek strategi politik Partai Golkar dengan penekanan pada penanaman doktrin nilai perjuangan Partai Golkar, proses pembinaan kader partai dan upaya merespon harapan dan tuntutan konstituen, merupakan kunci mengapa Partai ini berhasil meraih suara di Serang. Di samping itu, pada aspek kultur, Partai Golkar memanfaatkan pengaruh kelompok ulama/kiai melalui diantaranya yakni, pembinaan terhadap pondok pesantren dan membina hubungan dengan kelompok jawara. Kedua kelompok ini, diyakini memiliki pengaruh yang signifikan dalam masyarakat di Serang. Hasil penelitian menunjukan bahwa Partai Golkar di wilayah Serang melakukan institusionalisasi kepartaian sesuai teori pelembagaan partai politik dari Huntington, serta Vicky Randall dan Lars Svasand. Berdasarkan pada kajian penelitian, kondisi budaya politik masyarakat di wilayah Serang ialah budaya politik subyektif (kaula) seperti yang diungkapkan Almond dan Verba.
ABSTRACT
This thesis examines how the ability of the Golkar Party in the District and City of Serang won votes on the elections of 1999 to 2014. The election victory of the Golkar Party in the region rooted in the strength of the structure and the capacity of the Party by using the local political culture. The study was conducted to see a political strategy of Golkar in utilizing local political culture in the society which was increasing the number of votes in the 2014 election. As a tool of analysis used several theories of political parties and political culture. The concept of institutionalization of political parties as stated by Samuel Huntington, Vicky Randall and Lars Svasand trained in assessing the stratagem of the Party. On the other hand, the theory of political culture initiated by Gabriel Almond and Verba is also particularized to explain a condition of political culture and the local community in this region. This study used a qualitative approach by type of research is descriptive analytic. Data collection is done by in-depth interviews (depth interview) with the DPD Golkar Party II District / City of Serang, scholars, and charismatic leaders in the region of Serang. Examine documentation was also conducted as a data source. The findings of this study came to a conclusion that the Golkar strategy of which is surrounding doctrine value of Golkar, the party cadre formation process and the efforts to respond to the expectations and demands of the constituents, of which the Party won the vote in the region. Though cultural aspect, the Party was using the influence of the ulama / kiai through-among other things, guidance to the Islamic boarding school (Pesantren) and dealings with the Jawara (Local Bossism). All of the points are assumed give a significant influence in society particularly to increase the votes of the elections of 1999 to 2014. This research reaffirms Huntington and Vicky Randall and Lars Svasand on political party institutionalization. Based on the research study, the political culture of society in district and city of Serang is a subjective political culture (kaula) as stated by Almond and Verba., This thesis examines how the ability of the Golkar Party in the District and City of Serang won votes on the elections of 1999 to 2014. The election victory of the Golkar Party in the region rooted in the strength of the structure and the capacity of the Party by using the local political culture. The study was conducted to see a political strategy of Golkar in utilizing local political culture in the society which was increasing the number of votes in the 2014 election. As a tool of analysis used several theories of political parties and political culture. The concept of institutionalization of political parties as stated by Samuel Huntington, Vicky Randall and Lars Svasand trained in assessing the stratagem of the Party. On the other hand, the theory of political culture initiated by Gabriel Almond and Verba is also particularized to explain a condition of political culture and the local community in this region. This study used a qualitative approach by type of research is descriptive analytic. Data collection is done by in-depth interviews (depth interview) with the DPD Golkar Party II District / City of Serang, scholars, and charismatic leaders in the region of Serang. Examine documentation was also conducted as a data source. The findings of this study came to a conclusion that the Golkar strategy of which is surrounding doctrine value of Golkar, the party cadre formation process and the efforts to respond to the expectations and demands of the constituents, of which the Party won the vote in the region. Though cultural aspect, the Party was using the influence of the ulama / kiai through-among other things, guidance to the Islamic boarding school (Pesantren) and dealings with the Jawara (Local Bossism). All of the points are assumed give a significant influence in society particularly to increase the votes of the elections of 1999 to 2014. This research reaffirms Huntington and Vicky Randall and Lars Svasand on political party institutionalization. Based on the research study, the political culture of society in district and city of Serang is a subjective political culture (kaula) as stated by Almond and Verba.]
2015
T44037
UI - Tesis Membership  Universitas Indonesia Library
cover
Nurul Huda
Abstrak :
ABSTRAK
NU merupakan organisasi sosial keagamaan yang memiliki kultur yang berbeda dengan organisasi lainnya, yaitu relasi patron klien antara kiai dan santri. Kiai merupakan tokoh yang dipatuhi dan diikuti oleh santri. Budaya tersebut tidak hanya digunakan dalam interaksi sosial tetapi juga dimanfaatkan untuk mendapatkan tujuan politik, termasuk dalam penentuan mekanisme suksesi di Muktamar ke 33 yang bertujuan untuk mendapatkan jabatan kepemimpinan NU. Oleh karena itu, penelitian ini memfokuskan pada pertanyaan pengaruh relasi patron klien dalam perubahan mekanisme suksesi kepemimpinan NU di Muktamar ke 33.Teori yang dipakai untuk menjawab pertanyaan tersebut adalah teori patron klien, suksesi kepemimpinan, dan konflik. Teori patron klien yang digunakan berasal dari James C. Scoot yang membagi dua pola relasi patron klien, yaitu relasi patron klien cluster dan piramid. Metode penelitian yang dipakai adalah kualitatif dengan teknik pengumpulan data melalui observasi, kajian literatur, dan wawancara.

Dari hasil penelitian ditemukan bahwa terdapat pengaruh relasi patron klien dalam perubahan mekanisme suksesi kepemimpinan NU di Muktamar ke 33. Kelompok yang mendorong perubahan mekanisme suksesi secara tidak langsung terdiri dari KH Musthofa Bisri sebagai patron dengan para Rais Syuriah dan para santri di daerah sebagai klien. Sedangkan, kelompok yang menentang adalah KH Hasyim Muzadi sebagai patron dan juga para Rais Syuriah sebagai klien. Bentuk pengaruh patron klien dalam perubahan mekanisme suksesi terlihat dari proses penentuan mekanisme suksesi, dimulai dari penetapan mekanisme suksesi di luar muktamar hingga penetapan mekanisme suksesi melalui voting Rais Syuriah. Kelompok KH Musthofa Bisri diuntungkan karena memiliki banyak santri yang menjabat Rais Syuriah sehingga berhasil mengubah mekanisme suksesi secara tidak langsung atau menggunakan Ahlul Halli Wal Aqdi

Dalam perspektif teori patron klien, upaya di atas merupakan implementasi dari teori James C Scott tentang pola patron klien berbentuk cluster, yang terdiri dari seorang patron utama dan beberapa klien di bawahnya. Dalam penelitian tersebut, KH Musthofa Bisri dan KH Hasyim Muzadi masing-masing memiliki klien yang menjabat Rais Syuriah. Sumber daya yang dimiliki KH Musthofa Bisri dan KH Hasyim Muzadi adalah nilai agama dalam ketaatan kepada kiai
ABSTRACT
NU is a socio-religious organization that has a culture that is different from other organizations, namely the patron-client relationship between the kiai and students. Kiai is a figure that is adhered to and followed by the students. Culture is not only used in social interactions but also be used to gain political purposes, including the determination of the mechanism of succession in 33th Congress that aims to gain leadership positions of NU. Therefore, this study focuses on the question of the influence of patron-client relations in a changing mechanism NU leadership succession in 33th NU Congress.

leadership succession in 33th NU Congress. The theory used to answer this question is the theory of patron-client, leadership succession, and conflict. The theory of patron-client used came from James C. Scott that divides the two patterns of patron-client relations, namely the patron-client relationships clusters and pyramids. The research method is qualitative data collection techniques through observation, literature review and interviews.

The research found that there are significant patron-client relations in a changing mechanism NU leadership succession in 33th congress. Groups that encourage changes in the mechanism of succession is indirectly KH Mustofa Bisri as patron to the Rais Syuriah or the chairman of NU in the area as a client. Meanwhile, groups opposed to is KH Hasyim Muzadi as a patron and also the others Rais Syuriah as a client. The patron clients in succession mechanism changes seen from the process of determining the mechanism of succession, starting from the determination of the mechanism of succession outside the congress until the determination of the mechanism of succession through Rais Syuriah voting. KH Musthofa Bisri group benefits from having many students who served Rais Syuriah so successfully changed the mechanism of succession indirectly.

In the perspective of the theory of patron-client, the above efforts is an implementation of the theory of James C. Scott about the pattern of patron-client form a cluster, consisting of a main patron and some clients underneath. Patron?s ruling against the client because it has certain resources and use them to serve political interests. In that study, KH. Musthofa Bisri and KH Hasyim Muzadi each have a client that serves Rais Syuriah. KH. Musthofa Bisri and KH Hasyim Muzadi owned resources is islamic value about devotion to kiai
2016
T46149
UI - Tesis Membership  Universitas Indonesia Library
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