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"Reflecting a global trend, scores of countries have affirmed that their citizens are entitled to healthy air, water and land, and that their constitution should guarantee certain environmental rights. This book examines the increasing recognition that the environment is a proper subject for protection in constitutional texts and for vindication by constitutional courts. This phenomenon, which the authors call environmental constitutionalism, represents the confluence of constitutional law, international law, human rights and environmental law. National apex and constitutional courts are exhibiting a growing interest in environmental rights, and as courts become more aware of what their peers are doing, this momentum is likely to increase. This book explains why such provisions came into being, how they are expressed, and the extent to which they have been, and might be, enforced judicially. It is a singular resource for evaluating the content of and hope for constitutional environmental rights."

"What is the relationship between the strength of a country's democracy and the ability of its courts to address deficiencies in the electoral process? Drawing a distinction between democracies that can be characterised as 'dominant-party' (for example Singapore, Malaysia, and Hong Kong), 'dynamic' (for example India, South Korea, and Taiwan), and 'fragile' (for example Thailand, Pakistan, and Bangladesh), this book explores how democracy sustains and is sustained by the exercise of judicial power. In dominant-party systems, courts can only pursue 'dialogic' pathways to constrain the government's authoritarian tendencies. On the other hand, in dynamic democracies, courts can more successfully innovate and make systemic changes to the electoral system. Finally, in fragile democracies, where a country regularly oscillates between martial law and civilian rule, their courts tend to consistently overreach, and this often facilitates or precipitates a hostile take-over by the armed forces, and lead to the demise of the rule of law"

"Hukum Acara Mahkamah Konstitusi meliputi materi-materi terkait dengan kewenangan Mahkamah Konstitusi, kedudukan hukum pemohon, dan proses persidangan mulai dari pengajuan permohonan, pembuktian, hingga pengambilan putusan. Pelaksanaan kewenangan Mahkamah Konstitusi berdasarkan Pasal 24C UUD 1945 sangat tergantung pada mekanisme prosedur beracara yang diatur dalam UU No. 24 Tahun 2003 tentang Mahkamah Konstitusi dan berbagai Peraturan MK mengenai hukum acara. Buku ini membahas proses beracara di Mahkamah Konstitusi secara umum, yang menjelaskan teknik-teknik beracara di Mahkamah Kontitusi mulai dari permohonan hingga putusan serta proses-proses apa saja yang harus dilalui sampai dengan pada tahapan akhir."

"The book discusses how the use of some election rules embedded in the U.S. Constitution and in the presidential succession Act may cause skewed or weird election outcomes and election stalemates. The book argues that the act may not cover some rare though possible situations which the twentieth amendment authorizes congress to address. Also, the book questions the constitutionality of the national popular vote plan to introduce a direct popular presidential election de facto, without amending the constitution, and addresses the plan?s ?achilles? heel.? In particular, the book shows that the plan may violate the equal protection clause from the fourteenth amendment of the constitution. Numerical examples are provided to show that the counterintuitive claims of the NPV originators and proponents that the plan will encourage presidential candidates to ?chase? every vote in every state do not have any grounds. Finally, the book proposes a plan for improving the election system by combining at the national level the ?one state, one vote? principle, embedded in the constitution, and the ?one person, one vote? principle. "

"Tidak seperti negara islam atau mayoritas berpenduduk muslim lain, konstitusi negara Indonesia tidak menyebutkan kata"syariah" sebagai sumber penyesunan Peraturan perundang-undangan. Meskipun begitu, beberapa aspek hukum Islam telah dimasukkan ke dalam sistem hukum nasional Indonesia. Hukum Islam versi negara ini sering mendapatkan tantangan dari umat Islam di Indonesia bahkan sejak pengundangannya pertama kali di era 1970-an. Apa yang terjadi ketika negara seperti Indonesia harus memutuskan perselisihan terkait tafsiran hukum Islam mana yang valid di Indonesia? Tulisan ini akan menganalisa metode dan argumen yang dipakai para Hakim Mahkamah Konstitusi dalam menengahi perbedaan penafsiran hukum Islam antara umat Islam dan pemerintah terkait pada tataran apa hukum Islam seharusnya diakui, diaplikasikan, dan ditegakkan oleh negara Indonesia? Apakah pendekatan yang digunakan oleh Mahkamah Konstitusi dalam menyelesaikan sengketa konstitutionalitas peraturan perundang-undangan (PUU) khususnya terkait hukum Islam masih dalam batasan teori hukum Islam? Tulisan ini berpendapat bahwa Mahkamah Konstitusi menyatakan diri sebagai otoritas hukum dalam menafsirkan konstitusi, dan oleh karena itu berkuasa untuk menafsirkan dan membatasi hukum islam di Indonesia berdasarkan konstitiusi. Akan tetapi, hakim mahkamah konstitusi tetap menggunakan argumen dalam hukum islam ketika memutuskan sengketa PUU tersebut. Berdasarkan hal ini, putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi masuk ke dalam kategori siyasa shar`iyya, sehingga"

"The revival of religion in many parts of the world and the migration of religious cultures as part of the process of globalization have posed a serious challenge to traditional constitutional secularism. This challenge comes in the form of a political and institutional struggle against secular constitutionalism, and a two pronged assault on the very legitimacy and viability of the concept. On the one hand, constitutional secularism has been attacked as inherently hostile rather than neutral toward religion; and, on the other hand, constitutional secularism has been criticized as inevitably favouring one religion (or set of religions) over others."