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"Penelitian ini membahas relasi negara (pemerintah kota DKI Jakarta) dan swasta (Suez Environment yang diwakili Mercy Corps) dalam menjalankan layanan sanitasi/ fasilitas limbah cair bagi warga RW 6, Kelurahan Kalideres, Jakarta. Pemerintah DKI Jakarta belum bisa memberikan pelayanan sanitasi pada warga Jakarta. Alasanya karena cakupan layanan sewerage hanya mencakup 3% daerah DKI Jakarta (di luar pulau seribu). Warga di 97% daerah sisanya harus memenuhi sendiri fasilitas sanitasinya dengan tangki septik. Pemerintah masih belum memberikan prioritas pada layanan limbah cair. Lebih lanjut lagi mereka kekurangan sumber daya untuk memberikan layanan yang layak pada seluruh warga Jakarta. Akibatnya swasta masuk pada layanan limbah cair, meski swasta juga ternyata membawa kepentinganya sendiri. Penulis menggunakan teori Urban Regime dan konsep Public Private Partnership untuk membahas hasil penelitian.

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This research explains about relation between state (Jakarta municipal) and private (Suez Environment represented by Mercy Corps) in managing sanitation/ wastewater facility for resident in RW 6, Kelurahan Kalideres, Jakarta. Jakarta municipal can not give basic service of sanitation to Jakarta resident since sewerage coverage only covers 3% of Jakarta area. Resident in 97% of the rest area has to establish their own sanitation/ wastewaster facility with septic tank. The government has not taken priority to wastewater service. Moreover the government also lacks of resources to give wastewater service to all of Jakarta resident. Consequently, private could participate in managing wastewater system, although private has its own interest. The writer uses Urban Regime theory and concepts of Public Private Partnership to examine this phenomenon."

"This paper argues that the rights of social -politics of non-muslim in islamic state are recognized as the fundamental rights which is guarenteed by state through giving access,opportunity and fredom in private and public affairs in accordance with human rights and dignity .In Islam ,the writer argues,the discrimination againts human wrights which is also in line with islamic values is extremely rejected. The rights of non - muslim is put within five principles: protection of life, reason, wealth, religion and dignity....."

"Disertasi ini mengkaji perubahan desain institusional melalui amandemen konstitusi dengan fokus pada pertarungan kepentingan dan kekuasaan atas perubahan kekuasaan presiden dalam konteks demokrasi presidensial. Penelitian ini menjelaskan pertanyaan berikut: 1) Bagaimana interaksi kepentingan dalam proses pembahasan dan perdebatan tentang perubahan kekuasaan Presiden dalam amandemen UUD 1945? 2) Bagaimana sistem presidensial Indonesia yang terbentuk berdasarkan hasil perubahan kekuasaan presiden dalam amandemen UUD 1945?, 3) Faktor-faktor apa saja yang membuat sistem presidensial Indonesia dapat berjalan dan berbeda dibandingkan dengan sistem presidensial di negara-negara lain? Studi ini menguji tiga teori utama: 1) teori kepentingan dari John Elster, 2) teori konsensus demokrasi dari Arent Lijphart dan Maswadi Rauf, dan 3) teori Scott Mainwaring tentang problematik sistem presidensial digabungkan dengan sistem multipartai. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dengan teknik wawancara dan penelusuran dokumen atau kepustakaan (library research) untuk memperoleh data. Hasil Penelitian ini menyimpulkan bahwa proses pembahasan amandemen konstitusi terutama berkaitan dengan kekuasaan presiden diwarnai pertarungan kepentingan yang menghasilkan system presidensial yang tidak menegaskan fungsi masing-masing cabang pemerintahan. Temuan penelitian ini menunjukkan proses pembahasan amandemen konstitusi terkait kekuasaan presiden diwarnai oleh tarik-menarik dua kepentingan yaitu kepentingan kelompok (partai) dan kepentingan institusional (eksekutif dan legislatif). Pertarungan kepentingan tersebut mencapai konsensus dengan melahirkan sistem presidensial model Indonesia yang berbeda dengan negara-negara lain dengan ciri utama ketelibatan presiden dalam proses pembahsan rancangan undang-undang bersama DPR. Temuan penting penelitian adalah faktor konstruksi konstitusi yang dapat mengatasi deadlock antara eksekutif dan legislatif dengan mekanisme saling bypassing antara presiden dan DPR dalam proses pengambilan keputusan. Implikasi teoritis penelitian ini, menunjukkan bahwa teori kepentingan dari John Eslter tentang tiga tipe kepentingan ( kepentingan personal, kepentingan kelompok /partai politik, dan kepentingan institusional) tidak sepenuhnya berlaku. Dalam proses pembahasaan amandemen konstitusi lebih banyak terjadi pertarungan kepentingan kelompok (partai politik) dan kepentingan institusional. Sementara kepentingan personal kurang memainkan perannya. Studi ini mengkofirmasi teori konsensus demokrasi yang dikemukakan oleh Arend Lijphart dan Maswadi Rauf dimana pertarungan kepentingan para aktor bermuara pada konsensus sebagai bagian kesepakatan untuk lebih mengedepankan musyawarah ketimbang voting dalam pengambilan keputusan dan kekuatan fraksi-fraksi di MPR dalam proses pembahasana mandemen konstitusi relatif setara. Studi ini menunjukkan bahwa asumsi yang dibangun oleh Scott Mainwaring bahwa kombinasi presidensialisme dan multipartai dapat memungkinkan terjadinya deadlock yang berpotensi mengakibatkan kelumpuhan yang mengganggu kestabilan demokrasi tidak terbukti. Studi ini membuktikan sistem presidensial multipartai dapat berjalan di Indonesia dengan mengatasi masalah dalam hubungan eksekutif dan legislatif dengan konstruksi konstitusi yang, terutama, menciptakan mekanisme saling bypassing antara presiden dan DPR dalam pembahasan dan persetujuan undang-undang.

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This study discusses the shift in institutional design resulting from a constitutional amandment that is centered on a conflict of interest and power over the change in presidential power in a presidential democracy. It aims to elaborate these three questions: first, the interaction of interests during the discussion and debate process concerning the change in the presidential power in the 1945 constitutional amendment; second, the presidential system that formed through the change in presidential power in the 1945 constitutional amendment; and third, the factors that allows Indonesia's presidential system to run and what distinguishes it with presidential systems in other countries.

This study aims to corroborate three main theories: first, John Elster's theory of interest; second, Arent Lijphart's and Maswadi Rauf's theory of democratic consensus; and third, Scott Mainwaring's theory concerning problems that arise when a presidential system merges with a multiparty system. This research uses a qualitative approach, an in-depth interview with the elites of the House of Representatives regarding the issue, and library research to acquire data.

This research concludes that the process of amending the constitution, specifically with regards to the presidential power, is highlighted with a conflict of interest, resulting in a presidential system that does not accentuate each of the governmental branches' function. The principal finding of this research reveals that in the process of amending the constitution, specifically the presidential power, there is a conflict of interest between the parties' interest and the institutional (executive and legislative) interest. One paramount finding of this research is the factors of constitutional construction that can overcome a deadlock between the executive and legislative using a bypassing mechanism between the president and the House of Representatives when making decisions.

The theoretical implication of this research shows that John Elster's theory of interest on the three types of interest (personal, political party, and institutional) does not fully apply. The reason is that the conflict of interest between the political party and the institutional interest is dominant, while there is only a fraction of personal interest. This study confirms Arend Lijphart's and Maswadi Rauf's democratic consensus theory, where the conflict of interest of the actors amounts to the consensus of all the parties, instead of using a voting system when making decisions. This study reveals that Mainwaring's assumption that combining a presidential and multiparty system could result in a deadlock that may disrupt the democratic stability is not applicable. The reason is that Indonesia adopts such system, but has never faced a deadlock."

"The province of East Kalimantan has the largest tropicalforests in indonesia. Throughout the era of the NewOrder government under President Soeharto the naturalresources especially tropical forests were .systematicallyexploited without any serious effort on the part of thegovernment and private companies to take care of thesocial and environmental aspect of such exploitation. Asa result, severe environmental degradation tool: placeand the local people in the country side lost theirsources of livelihood in the midst of the presence ofmultinational corporations and private forestconcessionaires ironically there were enclaves ofpoverty. in this era of regional autonomy there is muchdoubt that the situation could get better as localgovernment authorities tend to repeat past mistakes andthey are unable to control the extensive practice ofillegal logging. This writing will propose some pottysuggestions that might be helpful for promoting theprinciples of sustainable development and putting an endto the phenomenon of "the tragedy of the commons"."

"Idealisasi konsep demokrasi dalam kehidupan kenegaraan telah mengakibatkan ilusi yang mendorong pengabaian pentingnya konsep republik. banyak ahli berpendapat bahwa issue demokrasi dewasa ini hanyalah komoditi politik semata> Oleh karena itu gagasan demokrasi haruslah ditempatkan dalam kerangka konsep republik yang mengikuti asas-asas berpikir institusional mengenai kehidupan bernegara. Gagasan republik, yang mencakup ide kerakyatan dan cita negara hukum, layak dipopulerkan kembali dalam situasi keragun terhadap keampuhan cita demokrasi."