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"ABSTRACTPenerapan desentralisasi pada Masa Reformasi membuka kesempatan bagi kelompok etnis untuk memperjuangkan kepentingannya. Kondisi tersebut juga membuka kesempatan bagi elit politik untuk menggunakan isu etnis dalam rangka memperoleh kekuasaan politik. Penelitian ini membahas politisasi etnis yang dilakukan oleh elit politik di tingkat lokal sebagai upaya mendapatkan serta mempertahankan kekuasaan dengan mengangkat studi kasus pemerintahan Gubernur Cornelis di Kalimantan Barat tahun 2007 hingga 2013. Melalui metode kualitatif dan jenis penelitian eksplanatif, penelitian ini menggambarkan bahwa politisasi etnis yang dilakukan dalam proses pemilihan gubernur juga berlanjut selama masa pemerintahan. Melalui analisis dengan menggunakan teori elit instrumentalis etnis, hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa politisasi etnis yang dilakukan dalam upaya memenangkan pemilihan gubernur juga dilakukan selama masa pemerintahan. Khususnya pada masa pemerintahan, politisasi etnis tidak hanya dilakukan dalam bidang politik tetapi juga di bidang birokrasi dan kebijakan pemerintah provinsi. Temuan lebih lanjut dari penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa politisasi etnis telah memperlemah kualitas demokrasi yang berlangsung di tingkat lokal.

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ABSTRACTThe implementation of decentralization during the Reformation Era has given the opportunity for the ethnic group to strive for their interest. This condition also has given the opportunity for the political elite to employ the ethnical issue in order to get the power. This research explains about ethnic politicization being conducted by political elite in local level as an effort to get and defend their power with the case study of Governor Cornelis’s governance period in West Kalimantan in 2007 until 2013. Through the qualitative method and explanative type of research, this research also shows that the ethnic politicization being conducted during the process of governor election also continues during the governance period. Through the analysis with elite ethnical instrumentalist theory, the result of this research shows that the ethnic politicization which has been done in order to win the vote in the governor election has also been conducted during the governance era. Specifically during the era of governance, the ethnic politicization not only had been done in political, but also in bureaucracy and policy of the provincial government. The further findings of this research observe that the ethnic politicization has weakened the quality of local democracy."

"Tesis ini menganalisa konstruksi identitas etnis Simalungun pada proses pemekaran Kabupaten Simalungun tahun 2002 sampai 2014. Tesis ini mempertanyakan bagaimana etnis Simalungun bereaksi atas upaya pemekaran Kabupaten Simalungun sebagai suatu fenomena yang muncul pasca runtuhnya Orde Baru, dimana melalui desentralisasi dan otonomi daerah terbuka peluang bagi daerah untuk membentuk daerah otonomi baru. Etnis Simalungun menolak pemekaran yang kemudian mendorong etnis Simalungun untuk melakukan konstruksi identitas dimana hal itu dapat dipandang sebagai salah satu strategi politik identitas etnis Simalungun. Penelitian kualitatif ini menggunakan metode wawancara, observasi, dan dokumentasi. Informan penelitian ini terdiri dari 3 (tiga) orang yaitu (1) tokoh Simalungun yang mendukung pemekaran (2) tokoh Simalungun yang menolak pemekaran dan (3) seorang budayawan Simalungun. Tesis ini menggunakan konsep identitas kelompok dan politik identitas yang dipaparkan oleh Manuel Castells (2010). Hasil analisa dari tesis ini menunjukkan bahwa konstruksi identitas etnis Simalungun muncul karena adanya potensi kerugian kultural dan ekonomi yang akan etnis Simalungun alami apabila Kabupaten Simalungun dimekarkan. Dimana apabila dilihat dari sejarah panjang dinamika pergulatan identitas etnis Simalungun dalam jangka waktu 100 tahun terakhir yang membuat etnis Simalungun selalu dalam rebutan pengaruh yang datang dari luar dirinya (pendatang) dan hal itu menimbulkan ?kegamangan‟ bagi orang Simalungun akan masa depannya di tanah leluhurnya sendiri. Dan ditemukan juga adanya potensi konflik akibat penerapan politik identitas pada proses pemekaran Kabupaten Simalungun.

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This thesis analyzes the construction of ethnic Simalungun identities in the process of expansion Simalungun (2002 to 2014). This study questioned how ethnic Simalungun react on expansion efforts Simalungun as a phenomenon which is arise after the collapse of the New Order, which through decentralization and regional autonomy is an opportunity for regions to form a new regional outonomy. Ethnic Simalungun reject the expansion then pushed them to construct its identity where it can be seen as one strategy of political identity of ethnic Simalungun.

This qualitative study using interviews, observation, and documentation. Informants this study consisted of three (3) members, namely (1) Simalungun figure that supports the division (2) Simalungun figures who reject division, and (3) a humanist Simalungun. This thesis uses the concept of group identity and identity politics were presented by Manuel Castells (2010).

Results of analysis of this thesis shows that the construction of ethnic identities Simalungun arise because of the cultural and economic potential losses that will be experienced when Simalungun divided. Wherein when seen from a long history of ethnic identity Simalungun struggle dynamics within the last 100 years that makes ethnic Simalungun always in a struggle influences coming from outside himself (immigrants) and it gives rise to 'uncertainty' for people Simalungun his future in his own ancestral land. And there is also the potential for conflict as a result of the application of identity politics in the process of expansion Simalungun."

"Tulisan ini mengkaji dan menjawab tentang peran etnik Tionghoa Indonesia dalam kegiatan politik nasional. Dari sejarah yang ada terlihat peran etnis Tionghoa cukup menonjol pada masa kolonialisme, pra kemerdekaan, pada masa orde lama dan reformasi. Peran politik etnis Tionghoa melemah pada masa Orde Baru, dan mulai meningkat lagi pada masa Reformasi. Salah satu aktor yang menonjol adalah Basuki Tjahaja Purnama atau Ahok. Permasalahan yang ada apakah etnik Tionghoa dalam pemilihan langsung dapatkah menjadi pemimpin nasional seperti misalnya Gubernur atau Presiden? Ahok menjadi Gubernur DKI Jakarta hanyalah karena mengganti Joko Widodo karena dia terpilih menjadi Presiden. Studi ini menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif Deskriptif dengan pendekatan Studi Kasus. Salah satu metode yang digunakan adalah Wawancara mendalam dengan informan yang sesuai konteks. Hasil penelitian menjelaskan bahwa etnis Tionghoa telah berperan dalam perpolitikan nasional Indonesia dan setelah mengalami kemunduran pada era Orde Baru, kini berkembang lagi pada era Reformasi. Namun studi ini memperlihatkan bahwa Politik Identitas pada 2016 mengancam stabilitas keamanan dan ketahanan nasional serta berdampak pada kepemimpinan Ahok. Terbukti pada Pilgub DKI Jakarta tahun 2017 Ahok tidak terpilih lagi. Penelitian ini juga menjelaskan strategi Ahok dalam meredam konflik agar tidak meluasnya politik identitas yaitu strategi coping adaptif dengan memenuhi tuntutan pendemo untuk mengadili Ahok tujuannya tentu Ahok ingin menjaga stabilitas keamanan serta ketahanan nasional dan terciptanya ketahanan sosial budaya.

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This paper examines and answers the role of Indonesian Chinese ethnicity in national political activities. From the existing history, it can be seen that the role of ethnic Chinese was quite prominent during colonialism, pre-independence, during the old order and reformation. The political role of ethnic Chinese weakened during the New Order era, and began to increase again during the Reformation period. One of the prominent actors is Basuki Tjahaja Purnama or Ahok. The problem that exists is whether ethnic Chinese in direct elections can become national leaders such as governors or presidents? Ahok became Governor of DKI Jakarta only because he replaced Joko Widodo when he was elected President. This study uses a descriptive qualitative research method with a case study approach. One of the methods used is in-depth interviews with context-appropriate informants. The results of the study explain that ethnic Chinese have played a role in Indonesian national politics and after experiencing setbacks in the New Order era, are now developing again in the Reformation era. However, this study shows that Identity Politics in 2016 threatened national security and security stability and had an impact on Ahok's leadership. It was proven that in the 2017 DKI Jakarta gubernatorial election, Ahok was not re-elected. This study also explains Ahok's strategy in reducing conflict so that identity politics does not spread, namely an adaptive coping strategy by meeting the demands of the demonstrators to try Ahok. Of course, Ahok wants to maintain security stability and national resilience and create socio-cultural resilience."

"How can the salience of ethnicity in Rwandan and Burundian politics be overcome? How can this salience be approached analytically? And why, exactly, is it that it is potentially conflict-prone? This book gives answers to these questions on the basis of what Rwandan and Burundian interviewees expressed as taken for granted and real. In particular, it focuses on different political institutional models, and how they help to overcome an ethnic interpretation of political and social exclusion. Despite the diverging institutional approaches to dealing with ethnic cleavages, the qualitative analysis shows that political and social exclusion, in particular the distribution of power, are interpreted in ethnic terms in both countries. "

"The Chinese in Indonesia have historically constituted a distinct, if small, ethnic minority amongst the population as a whole. Many of the trading and middleman functions in the Indonesian economy have been per-formed by members of this minority. This fact has aroused hostility to the Chinese, particularly among their Indonesian business competitors. Although many Chinese have been profoundly influenced by Indonesian cul¬ture, they have as a group continued to be sensed by Indonesians as alien even in the case of those who have become Indonesian citizens. Dutch col¬onial policies had the effect of keeping Chinese and Indonesians as sep¬arate groups. The gap between them was widened early in this century by the growth Sf nationalist sentiment among both Chinese and Indonesians. The achievement of national independence by the Indonesian elite brought about a prolonged crisis of identity for the Indonesian Chinese. Over the course of the next two decades, many issues of basic importance to them came into contention. These included their claims to Indonesian citizenship, the kinds of education to which their children could have ac¬cess, their retention of a separate social and cultural identity, and the defence of Chinese economic interests. Their situation was complicated by the emergence of China as a major power under a communist government, which made their political loyalties doubly suspect in the eyes of anti-communist Indonesians. As a small but relatively wealthy ethnic minority which has been ex-posed for a long time to anti-Chinese prejudice on the part of many Indo¬nesians, the Indonesian Chinese have characteristically been compelled (given the powerlessness of China to protect them) to seek an accommodation"