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Febriani
"Tesis ini menggambarkan tentang faktor penyebab tidak maksimalnya peran anggota legislatif perempuan dalam pembuatan peraturan keterwakilan perempuan pada UU pemilu anggota DPR, DPD dan DPRD (UU No.12 tahun 2003, UU No.10 tahun 2008 dan UU No.8 tahun 2012). Latar belakang penulisan yaitu berawal dari fenomena lemahnya keberadaan peraturan keterwakilan perempuan sehingga menjadi salah satu dampak rendahnya keterwakilan perempuan di lembaga legislatif Indonesia. Dengan menggunakan metode kualitatif, hasil yang diperoleh yaitu anggota legislatif perempuan belum maksimal menjalankan perannya dalam pembuatan peraturan keterwakilan perempuan. Faktor-faktor penyebabnya adalah pertama, jumlah anggota legislatif perempuan dan jumlah aktor kritis yang sedikit. Kedua, fokus keterwakilan anggota legislatif lebih banyak ke partai politik. Ketiga, gaya keterwakilan anggota legislatif dalam pembuatan peraturan tentang keterwakilan perempuan lebih bersifat delegasi (utusan dari partai politik), dan keempat, isu keterwakilan perempuan belum menjadi bagian kepemilikan isu oleh partai politik.

This thesis is about the factors why the role of women legislator is un maximum in decision making of women?s representation in electoral law DPR, DPD and DPRD (Act 12 of 2003, Act 10 of 2008 and No. 8 in 2012). The backround of this research is the weakness of women representation regulation which makes the number of women legislator is low in Indonesian legislative. Using qualitative method, this research has result that women legislator is un maximum when they do their role of making women representation regulation. The factors are, the first is the less of women legislator and the less of critism of woman legislator, the second is the focus of the women legislator is much concern about politic. The third factor is the style of women legislator when making women representation regulation is using delegation caracter (delegate from politic party). The last is the women representator issue has not yet become politic party ownership issue."
Depok: Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Indonesia, 2014
T42484
UI - Tesis Membership  Universitas Indonesia Library
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Sudiyatmiko Aribowo
"Tesis ini membahas tentang sistem pemilu yang berkembang saat ini termasuk di Indonesia. Pemilu merupakan pelaksanaan kehendak rakyat sebagai perwujudan dari demokrasi. Anggota legislatif yang terpilih adalah wakil rakyat yang diharapkan dapat mengemban amanat rakyat. Indonesia pada dasarnya menganut sistem pemilu proporsional dengan daftar calon yang disusun oleh partai pada daerah dengan perwakilan jamak. Pada awalnya sistem pemilu Indonesia menerapkan daftar tertutup (proporsional tertutup) tetapi sejak diberlakukannya UU Nomor 10 Tahun 2008, daftar calon bersifat terbuka (proporsional terbuka) sehingga calon yang memperoleh suara terbanyak ditetapkan menjadi calon terpilih. Penetapan calon yang terpilih ternyata tidak semudah yang dibayangkan karena terdapat sistem yang mengatur tentang penghitungan dan pembagian kursi legislatif bagi partai dan calon. Dengan menggunakan metode penelitian Yuridis Normatif, pendekatan dilakukan dengan teori pemilu, teori aturan pemilu serta konsep tentang pemilihan sistem pemilu, perbandingan sistem pemilu, desain aturan pemilu, mekanisme pemilu, partisipasi pemilih, dan proporsionalitas. Untuk memperoleh kesimpulan dari tujuan penelitian, maka hal-hal yang disampaikan adalah meliputi sistem pemilu, perbandingan sistem penghitungan perolehan kursi DPR dalam UU pemilu, dan penerapan sistem penghitungan perolehan kursi dalam Pemilu Tahun 2009.
Berdasarkan hasil penelitian diperoleh hasil bahwa sistem penghitungan perolehan kursi DPR pada Pemilu Tahun 2009 dan yang akan diterapkan dalam Pemilu Tahun 2014 ternyata sangat rumit dan tidak mudah untuk dipahami bagi penyelenggara pemilu, partai dan calon legislatif, apalagi rumusan yang dibuat oleh pembentuk UU ternyata tidak sederhana dan berbelit-belit. Akibatnya, terdapat berbagai penafsiran atas sistem penghitungan perolehan kursi DPR baik oleh KPU, partai maupun calon legislatif, sehingga pada Pemilu Tahun 2009, Mahkamah Agung dan Mahkamah Konstitusi mengeluarkan putusan judicial review dan pengujian undang-undang yang saling bertentangan tentang sistem penghitungan perolehan kursi DPR. Kerumitan rumusan sistem penghitungan perolehan kursi DPR tersebut dapat mengakibatkan disproporsionalitas pembagian kursi DPR yang pada akhirnya banyak suara pemilih yang terbuang sia-sia.

This thesis discusses the development of electoral system developed, including in Indonesia . Election is the implementation of the will of the people as the embodiment of democracy . Legislators are representatives of the people, who are expected to carry out the mandate of the Indonesian people, basically adhere to the proportional representatives system with a list of candidates drawn up by the party in the multi member district. At first, Indonesian electoral system implements a closed list but since the enactment of Act No. 10/2008, electoral system implements an open list so that the candidate who gets the ost votes is elected . Determination of the elected candidate was not as easy as one might imagine because there is a complex system for calculation and distribution of legislative seats for parties and candidates . By using normative juridical research methods, the approach made by the theory of elections, electoral rules theory and the concept of electoral system choice, comparative electoral systems, the design of electoral rules, electoral mechanisms, voter participation, and proportionality. To obtain the conclusion of the study objectives were presented with the electoral system, the comparative of the legislative distribution seats system in the Indonesia election law, and the application of the distribution seats system in the general election at the 2009.
Based on the results of the research is that the distribution seats system at the election in 2009 and which will be implemented in the 2014 election are complicated and not easy to understand for the organizers of the election, prty and the candidates, especially the formulation made by the law maker was not a simple and complicated. As a result, there are different interpretations of distribution seats system, either by the electoral Commission, parties and candidates, so that the election of 2009, the Supreme Court and the Constitutional Court made an opposing judicial review about the distribution seats system. The complexity formula of distribution seats system could result in disproportionality distribution of legislative seats and at the end, many voters are wasted.
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Depok: Fakultas Hukum Universitas Indonesia, 2013
T38759
UI - Tesis Membership  Universitas Indonesia Library
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"Election system is a main factor which will influence women representation in legislative bodies. In relation with this, law No. 10/2008 on elections of DPR, DPD, DPRD members has stipulated 30 % quota for women representatives in its various chapters, which made it more comprehensive compared to law No. 12/2003....."
KAJ 13(3-4) 2008
Artikel Jurnal  Universitas Indonesia Library
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Andi Iswanto
"Skripsi ini mengkaji dan membahas topik fenomena peran fraksi DPR RI, sebagai isu yang tengah mengemuka, yaitu adanya upaya pembubaran fraksi oleh Gerakan Nasional Pemberantasan Korupsi (GNPK) karena fraksi dinilai banyak berperan di dalam pelaksanaan fungsi, tugas dan wewenang DPR dan dinilai bertentangan dengan UUD 1945. Sehubungan dengan itu, maka penelitian ini difokuskan pada salah satu pelaksanaan fungsi DPR, yaitu fungsi legislasi dalam penentuan ambang batas parlemen dalam pembahasan RUU tentang Perubahan atas UU No. 10 Tahun 2008 tentang Pemilu Anggota DPR, DPD, dan DPRD. Hal ini diangkat karena dalam penentuan ambang batas parlemen terjadi perdebatan alot di antara fraksi-fraksi DPR. Di satu pihak, fraksi kecil (FPPP) yang khawatir gagal meraih suara signifikan, bersikeras mempertahankan besaran ambang batas parlemen 2,5%, sedangkan fraksi menengah (FPKS) menginginkan besaran ambang batas parlemen 3%-5%. Di pihak lain, fraksi besar (FPG), dengan hasrat meraih kursi lebih banyak, bersikukuh menaikkan besaran ambang batas parlemen 5%. Penelitian ini adalah penelitian kualitatif dengan desain deskriptif analitis. Data diperoleh melalui tinjauan pustaka dan wawancara.
Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa peran fraksi DPR kuat dan mendominasi dalam pelaksanaan fungsi legislasi DPR, yaitu dalam penentuan ambang batas parlemen dalam pembahasan RUU tentang Perubahan atas UU No. 10 Tahun 2008 tentang Pemilu Anggota DPR, DPD, dan DPRD. Hal ini sebagaimana terlihat, baik dari aspek pengorganisasian anggota fraksi, aspek substansi kebijakan fraksi maupun aspek sistem pengawasan fraksi. Sementara, jika ditinjau dari teori perwakilan politik maka termasuk dalam teori kebebasan dengan tipe hubungan yang partisan.

This study examined and discussed the phenomenon topic on the role of the House of Representatives’ factions, as the central issue raised during the discussion, namely the dissolution of factions by the National Anti-Corruption Movement (GNPK) since factions were being assessed as playing a significant role in the execution of the functions, duties, and powers of the House of Representatives which were against the 1945 Constitution. Accordingly, this study focused on the exercise of one of the functions of the House, that is the legislation function in deciding parliamentary threshold during discussion on Bill on the Amendments to Law No. 10 of 2008 on the Election of Members of DPR, DPD and DPRD. The issue was raised because there were tough discussions among factions before the floor made any decisions on parliamentary threshold. On the one hand, faction with small number of MPs (PPP Faction) that was concerned on the failure to reach significant number of vote insisted on maintaining massive parliamentary threshold of 2.5%, while faction with not to large number of MPs (PKS Faction) wanted a massive parliamentary threshold of 3%-5%. On the other hand, faction with larger number of MPs (PG Faction), with an enthusiasm of getting more seats on the next election, insisted in raising thkeye percentage to 5% of parliamentary threshold. This study used a qualitative research design with descriptive analysis. Data were obtained through literature reviews and interviews.
The results showed that the ruling faction played significant role and dominated the legislation functions of the House, especially during the discussion on parliamentary threshold decision on Bill on the Amendments to Law No. 10 of 2008 on Election of Members DPR, DPD and DPRD. That conclusion was clearly manifested both in organizational aspect of faction members, faction's policy substance aspect as well as faction’s supervision system aspect. While, based on the review of the theory of political representation, it can be concluded that there was a theory of freedom with a partisan type of relationship that worked within.
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Depok: Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Indonesia, 2013
S44060
UI - Skripsi Membership  Universitas Indonesia Library
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Habibi Kurniawan
"Salah satu aturan main yang harus dirumuskan didalam proses pelaksanaan pemilu yang demokratis adalah perumusan terkait mekanisme sistem pemilu beserta instrument- instrumen kepemiluannya. Sistem pemilu adalah instrument teknis pelaksanaan pemilu yang digunakan untuk menentukan keterpilihan suatu partai politik atau calon anggota legislatif didalam proses transisi kekuasaan. Di Indonesia, dari masa ke-masa terkait mekanisme sistem pemilu menjadi perdebatan didalam proses perumusan Undang- Undang Pemilu. Peristiwa ini-pun terjadi didalam proses pembahasan UU No 8 Tahun 2012 Tentang Pemilu Anggota DPR, DPD dan DPRD terkait empat isu krusial yani sistem pemilu, ambang batas parlemen (parliamentary treshold), alokasi kursi ke dapil dan metode konversi suara menjadi kursi. Sikap PDI Perjuangan mengenai pembahasan sistem pemilu merupakan kepentingan dari keberadaan partai politik sebagai peserta pemilu didalam proses perebutan kekuasaan secara konstitusional dan berdasar atas pengalaman dan sejarah kepesertaannya didalam proses pemilu di Indonesia.
Teori yang digunakan didalam penelitian ini adalah teori sistem pemilu Arend Lijphart, teori model kebijakan partai politik Hans Deiter Klingeman, teori ideologi Terrence Ball, teori elit dan teori konsensus dan konflik Maswadi Rauf dan Maurice Duverger. Penelitian in menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif. Penelitian ini akan menggunakan dua teknik pengumpulan data, yakni data yang diperoleh dari wawancara yang akan digunakan sebagai sumber data primer dan studi kepustakaan (literature review) yang digunakan sebagai sumber data sekunder.
Kesimpulan penelitian bahwa sebagai sebuah proses politik, Fraksi PDI Perjuangan memiliki alasan atas kepentingan politik terkait empat isu krusial didalam pembahasan UU No 8/2012 Tentang Pemilu. Kepentingan politik yang dioperasionalkan dari pemahaman ideologis partai dalam proses tarik menarik kepentingan politik (political-interplay) didalam proses pembuatan undang-undang Pemilu No 8 Tahun 2012. Akan tetapi, keputusan yang diambil berdasarkan kompromi merupakan keputusan yang moderat untuk diambil diantara banyaknya perbedaan di antara fraksi-fraksi.
Implikasi teoritis menunjukkan bahwa pendekatan model kebijakan partai politik didalam prosedur negara demokratis, pendekatan elit dan konsensus politik telah memberikan implikasi positif terhadap proses pengambilan keputusan pembahasan Undang-Undang No 8 Tahun 2012 Tentang Pemilu DPR, DPD dan DPRD.

Among the rules that must be formulated in the process of a democratic election is one involving the mechanisms of an electoral system and its associated instruments. The electoral system is implemented as a technical instrument to determine the desirability of a political party or legislative candidate in the process of their transition to power. In the Republic of Indonesia, from time to time there has been considerable debate over the mechanisms of an electoral system during the process of formulating its Election Laws. Such a debate had then ensued during the discussion of Law No. 8 of 2012 on the Election of Members of DPR, DPD and DPRD, involving four crucial issues: the election system, parliamentary threshold, the allocation of seats to the constituencies and conversion methods of votes into seats. On that, the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle made a political stance that had been within the interest of political parties in their constitutional struggle for power, based on contesting history and experience in the election process of Indonesia.
The fundamental theories used in this study include Arend Lijphart's theory on the electoral system, Hans Deiter Klingeman's theory on the policy models of political parties, Terrence Ball's theory on ideology and Maswadi Rauf & Maurice Duverger's theories on the elite, consensus and conflicts. This study utilized qualitiative methods of research in its two techniques of data collection. Data obtained from interviews were used as the primary source, while literature references were used as the secondary source.
This study concluded that as a political process, factions in the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle had reasons within their political interest involving the four crucial issues in the discusssion of Law No 8/2012 on Elections. In the political process, Indonesia Democratic Party of Struggle implied the ideological platform. Although a decision was ultimately reached based on compromise, it had been moderacy taken from the various differences between factions of the political parties.
Theoretical implications show that in the procedures of a democratic country, the approaches of policy models of political parties, elite and political consensus gave positive implications for the decision making process in the discussion of Law No. 8 of 2012 on DPR, DPD and DPRD Elections.
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Depok: Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Indonesia, 2013
T38966
UI - Tesis Membership  Universitas Indonesia Library
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Ani Purwanti
"Affirmative Action (tindakan khusus sementara) untuk perempuan di bidang politik, pertama kali termuat dalam Undang Undang Nomor 31 Tahun 2002 tentang Partai Politik dan Undang Undang Nomor 12 Tahun 2003 tentang Pemilu Anggota DPR RI, DPD dan DPRD. Regulasi tersebut berlanjut pada Undang Undang Nomor 2 Tahun 2008 dan Nomor 2 Tahun 2011 tentang Partai Politik dan Undang Undang Nomor 10 Tahun 2008 dan Undang Nomor 8 Tahun 2012 tentang Pemilu Anggota DPR,DPD dan DPRD (Legislatif). Ketentuan tersebut merupakan hal baru di Indonesia karena mengatur keadilan gender dalam rekruitmen dan manajemen partai politik dan memasukkan 30% keterwakilan perempuan dalam pencalonan anggota legislatif, selain itu ada keharusan partai politik untuk memasukkan setidaknya 1 orang perempuan dalam setiap 3 bakal calon Legislatif (zipper system).
Politik hukum dianggap sebagai kebijakan hukum (legal policy) yang diharapkan bisa membantu mencapai tujuan yang diinginkan masyarakat, karena politik akan mempengaruhi hukum dengan cara melihat konfigurasi kekuatan yang ada di belakang pembuatan dan penegakan hukumnya serta akan dilaksanakan secara nasional oleh pemerintah. Politik Hukum adalah aktivitas memilih cara yang hendak dipakai untuk mencapai suatu tujuan sosial dan tujuan hukum tertentu. Undang-Undang Paket Politik yang ada sejak Reformasi merupakan representasi dari keinginan masyarakat (perempuan) untuk mempengaruhi pembuatan kebijakan di bidang Legislatif, dan hasilnya pada Pemilu Legislatif pada Tahun 2004 jumlah keterwakilan perempuan sebesar 11,3 %. Pada Pemilu Legislatif Tahun 2009, setelah Keputusan Mahkamah Konstitusi tentang suara terbanyak, keterwakilan perempuan di DPR sebesar 18,04% , di DPRD Provinsi sebesar 16,0 % dan pada DPRD Kabupaten/Kota sebesar 12,0 % .Jumlah tersebut lebih tinggi dibandingkan pada masa sebelum diterapkannya affirmative action pada masa Orde Lama dan Baru yaitu pada Pemilu Tahun 1992 (sebesar 12,50%).
Penelitian dalam disertasi ini melihat hukum dalam konsepnya sebagai norma sekaligus perilaku dan implementasinya, metode yang digunakan adalah sosio legal research, dengan demikian teks yang mengatur partisipasi perempuan dikaji dengan konteksnya di masyarakat. Permasalahan dalam penelitian ini adalah (1) bagaimana perkembangan politik hukum pengaturan partisipasi perempuan di bidang politik khususnya di Lembaga Legislatif (Perwakilan), (2) bagaimana implementasi pengaturan keterwakilan perempuan di bidang Legislatif sebagaimana diamanatkan Undang-Undang Partai Politik dan Undang-Undang Pemilu Legislatif. Sedangkan permasalahan (3) adalah merumuskan bagaimana sebaiknya pengaturan partisipasi perempuan di Legislatif (Perwakilan) yang akan datang.
Penelitian ini termasuk kedalam jenis penelitian kualitatif dengan mengunakan teori dari Hans Kelsen, Teori Responsif Philippe Nonet dan Philippe Selznick, Teori Hukum Progresif, Lawrence M Friedman dan William J Chambliss dan Robert B Seidman, dan Teori Pembentukan Agenda dari J.M.Otto Lokasi penelitian adalah Provinsi Jawa Tengah, Sumatera Barat dan Bali, dengan perbandingan negara Swedia, The Netherlands dan Malaysia dan 3 Partai Politik yaitu PDI Perjuangan, Golkar dan PKB.
Hasil dari penelitian ini adalah (1) perkembangan politik hukum terutama sejak era reformasi tahun 1998 mendorong meningkatnya partisipasi perempuan di bidang politik khususnya di lembaga Legislatif (Perwakilan), (2) Budaya patriarkhi yang masih berkelindan pada stakeholder termasuk partai politik dan masyarakat pemilih termasuk perempuan menjadi kendala belum optimalnya partisipasi perempuan di Legislatif (Perwakilan) di Jawa Tengah, Sumatra Barat dan Bali. (3) pengaturan ideal keterwakilan perempuan di bidang politik khususnya pada Legislatif (Perwakilan) memerlukan pengaturan yang bersifat responsif dan progresif khususnya pada pembentukan Undang-Undang Partai Politik dan Undang-Undang Pemilu Legislatif yang akan datang.
Partai Politik segera memasukkan program terkait dengan pendidikan politik dan pemberdayaan perempuan di dalam Anggaran Dasar/Anggaran Rumah Tangga. dengan demikian Partai Politik dapat melaksanakan program kaderisasi, rekruitmen, pendidikan politik bagi perempuan, sehingga akan tersedia cukup banyak calon legislatif perempuan yang berkualitas. Hasil lainnya adalah memaksimalkan lembaga suprastruktur, infrastruktur dan lembaga non departemen dalam meningkatkan kualitas dan kuantitas perempuan di bidang politik.
Berdasarkan hasil penelitian diatas, penelitian ini merekomendasikan agar tetap memasukkam prinsip affirmatif action di dalam Undang-Undang Partai Politik dan Undang-Undang Pemilu Legislatif. Selain itu Partai Politik sebagai stakeholder utama diwajibkan memasukkan program pemberdayaan perempuan dalam AD/ART sebagai syarat utama menjadi peserta pemilu Legislatif. Hal ini disebabkan karena dari 12 partai politik peserta pemilu tahun 2014 hanya 3 partai politik yang mempunyai program pemberdayaan perempuan di dalam AD/ART yaitu (PKB, Gerindra, dan PAN). Partisipasi perempuan di Lembaga Legislatif akan meningkat sebagaimana diamanatkan Undang-Undang yaitu sebesar 30% jika pada Paket Undang-Undang Politik yang akan datang menggunakan sistem proporsional dengan daftar tertutup, dengan syarat partai politik mempunyai komitmen yang kuat terhadap peningkatan partisipasi perempuan di lembaga Legislatif.

Affirmative Action is temporary special measure for woman in political area has regulated on Act of Political Party (UU Nomor 31 Tahun 2002) and Act of Parliament Election (UU Nomor 12 Tahun 2003), it is regulate further and revised on Act Number 2 Year 2008 and Act Number 2 Year 2011 on Political Party and Act Number 10 Year 2008 and Act Number 8 Year 2012 on Parliament Election. Those regulation on affirmative action for woman are considered as a "new stuff" in Indonesia that specificly regulate about the gender equility on political party recruitment and management thats include the 30% woman representation on legislative candidate selection, it is also regulate that political party have to included at least one woman in every three candidate of preliminary legislative (zipper system).
Legal policy are considered as a legal policy that expected to change purpose on society because political will in law making process could make an impact on law from the basis of the configuration of political background process on law making process in legislative. The Act of Political Parties which had been exist since reformation can be considered as reflaction of people will to influence on policy making. The result from Legislative Election at 2004 has make woman representation in parliament about 11,3% and Legislative Election at 2009, after Constitutional Court Decree result 18,04 woman representation in Legislative and 16% on Province Legislative and 12% on City Legislative , those numbers are higher if its compared to the legislative election on the new order regime (12,5% on the 1992 election).
This doctoral research is trying to see the problem of woman representation based on law as norm and also behavior include its implementation by using socio legal research method to actualize law on its text and context. The problem that appear on this research are : first, how the development of the legal policy on woman representation in the political field especially in legislative, the second is how the regulation of woman representation works in reality according to the Act of Political Parties and the Act of Parliament Election, and third is how to formulate the ideal regulation of woman political legislative participation in the upcoming election.
This qualitative research using the theories from, Hans Kelsen, , Lawrence M Friedman and William J Chambliss and Robert B Seidman, Satjipto Rahardjo Progressive Law Theories and Agenda?s Theories from JM Otto. This research took place in Central Java, West Sumatra and Bali, with the comparison three different nation state Swedia, Netherlands dan Malaysia, the study of political party in Indonesia take place on PDI Perjuangan, Golkar and PKB.
The results from this research are (1) the development of the legal policy especially in reformation era after 1998 is very determining woman representation in political field especially legislative field. (2) Patriarkhi culture is still give an impact to the stakeholders such as political party and the voters include women it self become the main factor in the optimalization of woman participation number in Central Java, West Sumatra and Bali. (3) The ideal woman legislative representation should be regulate with progressive and responsif laws which is required in the formulated of Political Party Acts should held women empowering programme on their basic principles, so they could run and should be given on the party that doesnt obey the woman political representation both on the recruitment or in the management of the party.
Political parties as the main stakeholders that related to the woman participation especially political party should have a clear agenda to achieve the ideal condition of woman representation in political field from the level of caderization, recruitment, political education for woman, that have a clear impact both on the quality and quantity on the woman politician. The Maximalization of the suprastructure and infrastructure institution, and even the grassroot political movement and woman movement from NGO's.
Based on these Research, I recommend that the future Political Party Act and Legislative Election Acts should maintain the affirmative action principles. On the other hand, all of the stakeholders that correlated with empowering woman, on political area, especially the Political Party to held an woman empowerement programmes. So far, there are only three among twelve party on the 2014 election that has already have woman empowerement program on their rule of conduct; PKB, Gerindra and PAN. On the future,the rule of conduct that consist the woman empowerement and political agenda as one of the election's verification reqruienment. The number of woman participation on Parliament could raised if on the future election act is using the Proportional Closed List System, plus the commitment of political party to enhance the number of woman member is a must.
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Depok: Fakultas Hukum Universitas Indonesia, 2014
D1469
UI - Disertasi Membership  Universitas Indonesia Library
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Febrianto Syam
"[ABSTRAK
Tesis ini menggambarkan tentang modal sosial dan strategi yang digunakan
kelima Anggota legislatif perempuan terpilih di Sulawesi Selatan. Latar belakang
penulisan yaitu berawal dari fakta yang dilihat dari hasil pemilu tahun 2014
khususnya Provinsi Sulawesi Selatan dimana dari lima Anggota legislatif
perempuan yang terpilih merupakan keluarga dari para penguasa yang ada di
daerah tersebut meskipun dalam pertarungan perebutan kursi DPR RI, terdapat
banyak calon perempuan yang juga berasal dari kalangan aktivis perempuan.
Dengan metode kualitatif, hasil yang diperoleh yaitu modal sosial yang dimiliki
oleh masing-masing Anggota legislatif perempuan yang terpilih menjadi kunci
mereka untuk terlibat dalam pencalonan pada pemilu 2014 silam. Faktorfaktornya
adalah pertama, karena kelima Anggota legislatif perempuan terpilih
merupakan keluarga dari penguasa di daerah Sulawesi Selatan, maka dengan
mudah dukungan birokrasi diberikan kepada mereka. Kedua, adanya beberapa
bentuk kecurangan seperti money politics serta bentuk pelanggaran pemilu guna
memenangkan kelimanya menyebabkan mereka berhasil memperoleh suara yang
signifikan di daerah dimana keluarga mereka berkuasa.

ABSTRACT
This thesis describes social capital and strategies used five female legislators elected in South Sulawesi Background of writing that originated from the fact that seen from the election results in 2014 especially South Sulawesi province where five legislators of elected women is the family of rulers in the area despite the fight for the seat of Parliament there are many female candidates are also come from women activists With qualitative methods the results obtained by the social capital which is owned by their respective legislative Members woman to be elected to key them to be involved in the nomination of the 2014 elections ago The factors is the first as the fifth legislative Members elected women is the family of the ruler in the area of South Sulawesi it can easily support given to their bureaucracy Second the existence of some form of fraud such as money politics as well as the violation of the election in order to win his fifth cause they managed to gain a significant voice in the area where their families in power ;This thesis describes social capital and strategies used five female legislators elected in South Sulawesi Background of writing that originated from the fact that seen from the election results in 2014 especially South Sulawesi province where five legislators of elected women is the family of rulers in the area despite the fight for the seat of Parliament there are many female candidates are also come from women activists With qualitative methods the results obtained by the social capital which is owned by their respective legislative Members woman to be elected to key them to be involved in the nomination of the 2014 elections ago The factors is the first as the fifth legislative Members elected women is the family of the ruler in the area of South Sulawesi it can easily support given to their bureaucracy Second the existence of some form of fraud such as money politics as well as the violation of the election in order to win his fifth cause they managed to gain a significant voice in the area where their families in power ;This thesis describes social capital and strategies used five female legislators elected in South Sulawesi Background of writing that originated from the fact that seen from the election results in 2014 especially South Sulawesi province where five legislators of elected women is the family of rulers in the area despite the fight for the seat of Parliament there are many female candidates are also come from women activists With qualitative methods the results obtained by the social capital which is owned by their respective legislative Members woman to be elected to key them to be involved in the nomination of the 2014 elections ago The factors is the first as the fifth legislative Members elected women is the family of the ruler in the area of South Sulawesi it can easily support given to their bureaucracy Second the existence of some form of fraud such as money politics as well as the violation of the election in order to win his fifth cause they managed to gain a significant voice in the area where their families in power , This thesis describes social capital and strategies used five female legislators elected in South Sulawesi Background of writing that originated from the fact that seen from the election results in 2014 especially South Sulawesi province where five legislators of elected women is the family of rulers in the area despite the fight for the seat of Parliament there are many female candidates are also come from women activists With qualitative methods the results obtained by the social capital which is owned by their respective legislative Members woman to be elected to key them to be involved in the nomination of the 2014 elections ago The factors is the first as the fifth legislative Members elected women is the family of the ruler in the area of South Sulawesi it can easily support given to their bureaucracy Second the existence of some form of fraud such as money politics as well as the violation of the election in order to win his fifth cause they managed to gain a significant voice in the area where their families in power ]"
2015
T45473
UI - Tesis Membership  Universitas Indonesia Library
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Rifky Wildan Yoantino
"Skripsi ini membahas strategi anggota legislatif perempuan dalam mengawal ketentuan kuota perempuan di pembahasan RUU Pemilu 2012. Untuk membahas hal tersebut, skripsi ini meggunakan metode kualitatif dengan instrumen wawancara mendalam dan studi dokumen untuk pengumpulan data. Skripsi ini berasumsi bahwa anggota legislatif perempuan bisa dilihat dari 3 aspek, yakni KPP RI, anggota legislatif perempuan di fraksi, dan anggota legislatif perempuan di panitia pembahasan.
Temuan penelitian yang diperoleh adalah melalui KPP RI, anggota legislatif perempuan melakukan strategi diskusi internal, audiensi dengan Pansus, audiensi dengan fraksi-fraksi, dan lobi dengan pimpinan partai. Melalui partai politik, anggota legislatif perempuan memperkuat jaringan dengan Divisi Pemberdayaan Perempuan di partai masing-masing, sambil menguatkan lobi kepada pimpinan partai. Anggota legislatif perempuan yang masuk di panitia pembahasan juga melakukan beberapa strategi, diantaranya mempengaruhi secara langsung pembahasan dengan melemparkan usulan dan melakukan perdebatan, juga melakukan lobi di sela-sela rapat dengan fraksi-fraksi lain. Melalui serangkaian strategi tersebut, anggota legislatif perempuan berhasil mempertahankan ketentuan mengenai kuota perempuan dan menambahkan bagian penjelasan dari pasal 56 di UU Pemilu No. 8 Tahun 2012.

This research is explaining how the strategy of women MPs to keep the quota regulation in General Election Law revision process on 2012. Using qualitative methods, this research use in-depth interview, as well as, document study to collect the data. The assumption built in this research is that the women MPs can be seen from three aspects, which is KPP RI, women MPs in political party, and women MPs in revision committee.
This research found that from KPP RI, women MPs make an internal discussion, make an audience with the revision committee, and lobbying the head of political parties. Women MPs in the political party are strenghtening coordination with Woman Empowernment Division, as well as, strenghtening lobby to the head of their each political party. Women MPs in the revision committee are directly influencing the process through debates, and lobbying other MPs to supporting the idea of quota. With those explained strategies, women MPs success to keep the regulation of woman quota in General Election Law Number 8 Year 2012.
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Depok: Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Indonesia, 2013
S47400
UI - Skripsi Membership  Universitas Indonesia Library
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