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"Penelitian ini ingin membahas perkembangan teori Democratic Peace pasca Perang Dingin. Periode tersebut dipilih karena terjadi peningkatan jumlah negara demokrasi yang signifikan, dan runtuhnya Uni Soviet yang merupakan musuh bersama negara-negara demokrasi. Penelitian ini akan menggunakan metode kajian pustaka. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan pendapat para akademisi yang beragam mengenai teori Democratic Peace pasca Perang Dingin. Para akademisi yang mendukung penerapan teori Democratic Peace pasca Perang Dingin memiliki dua argumen utama, yaitu landasan normatif dan struktural demokrasi. Sementara para akademisi yang mengkritik teori tersebut mempunyai tiga sanggahan utama: (1) operasionalisasi konsep yang bermasalah, (2) landasan normatif dan struktural yang bermasalah, dan (3) relasi demokrasi dan perdamaian yang bermasalah.

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This research will analyze the development of Democratic Peace Theory post Cold War. That period has been chosen because it witnessed an increasing spike of new democracies, and the fall of Soviet Union, which were the common enemy for the democracies. This research will use literature review methods. The result of the research shows the variety of arguments presented. Those who support the notion of Democratic Peace post Cold War have two main arguments, the normative and structural foundation in democracies. While those who criticize the idea of Democratic Peace have three main rebuttals: (1) issues in concept operations, (2) issues in the normative and structural foundations, and (3) issues in the relations between democracy and peace."

"Tesis ini membahas diplomasi publik NATO di Eropa pasca perang dingin. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan sumber data dari media video tentang NATO baik yang diproduksi oleh Divisi Diplomasi Publik NATO PDD yang dibentuk pada tahun 2003 maupun yang diproduksi sebelum berdirinya PDD ini. Secara acak saya mengambil 30 video tentang NATO. Dari ke 30 video tersebut, 10 dibuat oleh Associated Press AP dan 20 dibuat oleh PDD. Video ini dianalisa dengan teori agenda setting, konsep diplomasi publik dan konsep diplomasi militer. Dari hasil penelitian dapat disimpulkan bahwa NATO menggunakan media massa dan mekanisme agenda setting, diplomasi publik dan diplomasi militer sebagai agenda operasinya karena dalam media video yang dianalisis ini terdapat agenda-agenda tertentu, khususnya politik, dengan tujuan mempengaruhi pandangan pemirsanya, mempromosikan kepentingannya pada publik dan entitas politik lainnya, serta untuk menunjukan kerjasama militer NATO. Pada 10 video produksi AP menunjukan bahwa NATO adalah penyelamat warga Kosovo keturunan Albania. NATO berpartisipasi dalam menjaga perdamaian di Kosovo dan melaksanakan misi PBB dalam KFOR sebagai pasukan pengamat dan penjaga perdamaian di Kosovo. Pada 20 video produksi PDD menunjukan bahwa NATO siap menghadapi ancaman Rusia, ISIS, teroris dan musuh lainnya serta NATO terdepan dalam misi kemanusiaan seperti tanggap bencana dan perlindungan di jalur perdangan laut. NATO aktif menjaga keamanan dan melindungi anggota-anggota dari berbagai ancaman konvensional ataupun cyber threat. NATO juga aktif mengadakan latihan militer bersama dengan anggota dan mitranya.

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This thesis explains about NATO rsquo s public diplomacy in Europe post Cold War. This research used qualitative method with sources of datas from videos about NATO, both from NATO Public Diplomacy Division PDD , which founded in 2003 and from the year before the division was built. The researcher randomly picked 30 videos about NATO and from those videos, 10 was made by Associated Press AP and 20 videos made by PDD. The video is analyzed with the agenda setting theory, public diplomacy concept and military diplomacy concept.

From the results of the study it can be concluded that NATO uses mass media and agenda setting, public diplomacy and military diplomacy mechanisms as its operational agenda. Because it is shown in the video that there are certain agendas, especially politics, with the aim of influencing the viewer 39 s perception, promoting their interests to the public and other political entities, and to demonstrate NATO 39 s military cooperation. Based on 10 videos made by AP, it shows that NATO is the savior of Kosovo citizens of Albanian descent.

NATO is participating in maintaining peace in Kosovo and implementing the UN mission in KFOR as an observer and peacekeeping force in Kosovo, and on 20 videos made by PDD shows that NATO is ready to face the threat against Russia, ISIS, terrorists and other enemies, and that NATO is leading in humanitarian missions such as disaster response and maritime protection. NATO actively maintains security and protects members from various conventional threats or cyber threats. NATO is also active in conducting joint military exercises with its members and partners."

"Kehadiran CSCAP dan ARF telah menjadi titik awal munculnya berbagai inisiatif kerja sama keamanan multilateral di Asia-Pasifik pasca Perang Dingin. Pada tataran empiris, kehadiran inisiatif ini turut diikuti dengan perkembangan pembahasannya dalam literatur. Oleh karenanya, tulisan ini bertujuan untuk meninjau perkembangan literatur mengenai inisiatif kerja sama keamanan multilateral di Asia-Pasifik pasca Perang Dingin dengan menganalisis 47 literatur terakreditasi internasional yang membahas topik ini. Berdasarkan pada metode taksonomi, literatur tersebut dibagi ke dalam enam kategori, yaitu: (1) inisiatif dan karakteristik kerja sama keamanan multilateral di Asia-Pasifik pasca Perang Dingin, (2) motif kehadiran aktor non-Asia Tenggara dalam inisiatif (3) persepsi aktor non-Asia Tenggara terhadap kepemimpinan ASEAN dalam mayoritas inisiatif keamanan di AsiaPasifik, (4) motif keterlibatan negara-negara Asia Tenggara dalam inisiatif, (5) persepsi negara-negara Asia Tenggara terhadap inisiatif, dan (6) pandangan akademisi terhadap inisiatif tersebut. Tinjauan pustaka ini berupaya untuk menyingkap konsensus, perdebatan, kesenjangan literatur, dan menunjukkan sejumlah tren, seperti persebaran tema, persebaran asal penulis, serta persebaran perspektif atas topik ini. Tinjauan pustaka ini mengidentifikasi bahwa inisiatif dan karakteristik kerja sama keamanan multilateral di Asia-Pasifik pasca Perang Dingin merupakan tema paling dominan dalam pengkajian topik ini, sementara Realisme merupakan perspektif yang paling dominan digunakan dalam literatur. Tinjauan pustaka ini turut merekomendasikan sejumlah agenda untuk penulisan lanjutan.

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The presence of CSCAP and ARF has become the starting point for the formation of postCold War multilateral security cooperation initiatives in Asia-Pacific. At the empirical level, the presence of the initiatives were followed by its development in literatures. Therefore, this paper aims to review this topic by analyzing 47 internationally accredited literatures. Based on taxonomy method, the literatures will be divided into six theme-based categories which consist of: (1) initiatives and characteristics of security cooperation in Asia-Pacific, (2) motives behind the presence of non-Southeast Asian actors, (3) perceptions of non-Southeast Asian actors towards ASEAN leadership in the majority of initiatives, (4) motives behind the involvement of Southeast Asian countries, and (5) their perceptions towards the initiatives, (6) academic views on the initiatives. This literature review seeks to unveil the consensus, debates, and gaps of this topic. Besides, it also seeks to show some trends in the writing of this topic such as the distribution of its themes, authors' origin, and the paradigmatic trend. This literature review identifies that initiatives and characteristics of Post-Cold War Multilateral Security Cooperation in Asia-Pacific is the most dominant theme in the literatures, while Realism is the most dominant perspective used by the literatures. It then recommends some proposed further researches

"

"Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk memahami pandangan akademis terkait kondisi dan perkembangan regionalisme keamanan di Asia Tengah pasca-Perang Dingin. Literatur-literatur yang ditinjau terorganisasi dalam lima periodisasi, yakni 1991-1997, 1997-2001, 2001-2004, 2004-2011, dan 2011-2016. Sejak berakhirnya Perang Dingin, negara-negara internal kawasan harus mengelola keamanan regional secara mandiri. Regionalisme keamanan dianggap sebagai solusi yang memungkinkan atas isu-isu keamanan di kawasan tersebut. Meski demikian, para cendekiawan menganggap perkembangan regionalisme keamanan di Asia Tengah terhambat bahkan hingga saat ini. Penyebabnya berasal dari negara-negara internal dan eksternal kawasan. Di satu sisi, negara-negara internal memprioritaskan hubungan bilateral dan pemenuhan kepentingan domestik daripada integrasi regional. Di sisi lain, kuatnya kepentingan dan pengaruh aktor-aktor eksternal mdash;mulai dari Rusia, Tiongkok, Amerika Serikat, hingga beberapa organisasi multilateral mdash;semakin menghalangi penguatan regionalisme keamanan. Potensi persaingan antarnegara eksternal juga menambah kerumitan karena negara-negara internal masih akan memihak pada Rusia demi menjaga status quo kawasan dan keamanan masing-masing. Akibatnya, regionalisme keamanan cenderung semakin tersisihkan dari agenda keamanan kawasan.

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This paper aims to understand the academic views regarding the condition and development of security regionalism in the post Cold War Central Asia. The reviewed literature is organized into five periodizations, which are 1991 1997, 1997 2001, 2001 2004, 2004 2011, and 2011 2016. Since the end of the Cold War, the region rsquo s internal states have to manage their regional security independently. Security regionalism was seen as a possible solution for the security issues in the region. However, scholars have perceived that the development of security regionalism in Central Asia is hindered even until now. The causes were rooted from the internal and external states. On one hand, internal states have been prioritizing on bilateral relations and the fulfillment of domestic interests instead of regional integration. On the other hand, strong influence and interests of external actors mdash namely Russia, China, United States, and some multilateral organizations mdash further impede the reinforcement of security regionalism. The likelihood of rivalries between external states also heightens the complexity because internal states will still side with Russia in order to maintain the region rsquo s status quo and their own security. As a consequence, the security regionalism gets even more sidelined from the region rsquo s security agenda."

"Tulisan ini akan melihat perkembangan kehadiran Amerika Serikat (AS) di kawasan Laut China Selatan semenjak berakhirnya Perang Dingin. Dengan mengeksplorasi literatur-literatur yang membahas hal tersebut, penulis berharap mampu menghasilkan suatu gambaran yang utuh terkait dengan evolusi kehadiran AS beserta dengan kebijakan luar negeri yang dibuat oleh AS terkait dengan isu Laut China Selatan. Pembahasan terhadap ke-34 literatur yang diangkat dalam tinjauan literatur ini kemudian menghasilkan sejumlah temuan berupa: (1) misi naval presence United States Navy (USN/AL AS) merupakan komponen penting dari strategi kebijakan luar negeri AS; (2) terdapat peningkatan kehadiran AS di kawasan Laut China Selatan dalam beberapa waktu terakhir, meskipun hal ini terbukti gagal untuk membendung perilaku agresif China sebagai akibat dari ketiadaan strategi raya yang mendasari kebijakan luar negeri AS di kawasan serta keengganan AS untuk membangun suatu kerja sama ekonomi dengan negara-negara di kawasan; (3) peningkatan kapabilitas sistem anti-access/area denial (A2/AD) China membuat AS harus mencari strategi baru untuk bisa mempertahankan kebebasan operasionalnya di kawasan yang berujung pada lahirnya strategi Air-Sea Battle (ASB); (4) diperlukan kerja sama yang lebih erat dengan negara-negara di kawasan apabila AS ingin membendung China. Sementara itu, terdapat pula sejumlah celah penelitian yang berhasil diidentifikasi oleh penulis, utamanya yang berkaitan dengan pengembangan kapabilitas AS dalam menghadapi praktik grey zone oleh China, termasuk pelibatan penjaga pantai AS dalam Freedom of Navigation Operations (FONOPs).

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This literature review will take a closer look at the evolution of the United States’ presence in the South China Sea region since the end of the Cold War. By exploring works of literature that discussed this particular issue, the writer hopes that this literature review will be able to provide a comprehensive understanding regarding the evolution of US presence and foreign policies in the South China Sea region. After analyzing the 34 pieces of literature discussed in this literature review, the writer argues that: (1) the naval presence mission of the United States Navy (USN) is an important component in US foreign policy strategy; (2) an increase in US presence in the South China Sea could be seen in recent times, although it has to be admitted that this surge in US presence has proven ineffective in curbing China’s aggressive behavior as a result of the absence of a comprehensive grand strategy that underlies US foreign policy in the region and US’ reluctance to establish a comprehensive economic cooperation with its allies and partners in the region; (3) the increasing capabilities of China’s anti-access/area denial (A2/AD) system have compelled the US to seek new strategies to maintain its operational freedom in the region, resulting in the emergence of the Air-Sea Battle (ASB) strategy; (4) establishing closer cooperation with countries in the region is a must if the US wants to contain China. The writer also identifies several research gaps, particularly concerning the development of US capabilities in dealing with China’s grey zone practices in the region, which could also include the involvement of the US Coast Guard in Freedom of Navigation Operations (FONOPs)."

"[Perang Dingin yang berakhir pada tahun 1990 telah mengubah konstelasi politik dan keamanan dunia. Kemunculan banyak negara baru yang dulu tidak terlalu dominan dalam politik dunia, kini menjadi pemain yang cukup diperhitungkan seperti Jepang. Setelah mengalami kekalahan pada Perang Dunia Ke-II, Jepang menjadi negara yang tidak normal karena tidak memiliki kekuatan militer.Sejak saat itu pula, Jepang menggantungkan keamanan nasionalnya di bawah perlindungan payung keamanan Amerika Serikat. Seiring berjalannya waktu, struktur keamanan global maupun regional telah berubah. Kemunculan China sebagai kekuatan regional baru, pengembangan senjata nuklir Korea Utara, modernisasi militer Korea Selatan, serta banyaknya masalah baik teritorial maupun sejarah di Asia Timur telah mempengaruhi Jepang untuk mengubah kebijakan Pertahanannya. Perubahan kebijakan ini diwujudkan dalam dua usaha yaitu usaha internal melalui peningkatan kekuatan pertahanan Jepang dan usaha eksternal melalui peningkatan diplomasi pertahanan Jepang dengan negara-negara di kawasan Asia Pasifik.

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The end of Cold War in 1990 changed global political constellation and security. The emergence of new global power that were not determined in the past, now have a very significant role in global politics such as Japan. After losing to U.S allies in the World War II, Japan became abnormal state because she did not have military power. Since then, Japan has been depended her national security on U.S security umbrella. After Cold War, the situation surroundings Japan has changed. China rose as a new global power, nuclear weapon possession by North Korea, South Korea's military modernization, and territorial disputes among them give impacts on Japan?s Defense Policy. The change of Japan's Defense Policy is indicated by two attempts, which are internal efforts and external efforts. Internal efforts are executed by increasing military power and external efforts are executed by developing defense diplomacy through security arrangements with the Asia Pacific countries. The end of Cold War in 1990 changed global political constellation and security. The emergence of new global power that were not determined in the past, now have a very significant role in global politics such as Japan. After losing to U.S allies in the World War II, Japan became abnormal state because she did not have military power. Since then, Japan has been depended her national security on U.S security umbrella. After Cold War, the situation surroundings Japan has changed. China rose as a new global power, nuclear weapon possession by North Korea, South Korea’s military modernization, and territorial disputes among them give impacts on Japan’s Defense Policy. The change of Japan’s Defense Policy is indicated by two attempts, which are internal efforts and external efforts. Internal efforts are executed by increasing military power and external efforts are executed by developing defense diplomacy through security arrangements with the Asia Pacific countries., The end of Cold War in 1990 changed global political constellation and security. The emergence of new global power that were not determined in the past, now have a very significant role in global politics such as Japan. After losing to U.S allies in the World War II, Japan became abnormal state because she did not have military power. Since then, Japan has been depended her national security on U.S security umbrella. After Cold War, the situation surroundings Japan has changed. China rose as a new global power, nuclear weapon possession by North Korea, South Korea’s military modernization, and territorial disputes among them give impacts on Japan’s Defense Policy. The change of Japan’s Defense Policy is indicated by two attempts, which are internal efforts and external efforts. Internal efforts are executed by increasing military power; and external efforts are executed by developing defense diplomacy through security arrangements with the Asia Pacific countries.]"

"ABSTRAKSejak awal berdirinya, Indonesia sering diasosiasikan sebagai pemimpin di institusi kawasan Asia Tenggara, The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). Berakhirnya Perang Dingin membuat peran yang dilakukan Indonesia semakin beragam. Tulisan ini akan melihat posisi Indonesia dan kondisi lingkungan yang mendorong Indonesia dalam menjalankan peran di ASEAN. Secara kronologis, tulisan ini akan melihat peran Indonesia di ASEAN pada masa Orde Baru pasca Perang Dingin, peran Indonesia di ASEAN pada masa krisis ekonomi Asia 1997, dan peran Indonesia di ASEAN pada masa pasca krisis ekonomi 1997. Tinjauan pustaka ini berusaha untuk menunjukkan konsensus, perdebatan, dan kesenjangan akademis dalam topik ini. Dari pemetaan literatur yang dilakukan, dapat disimpulkan bahwa pada masa Orde Baru pasca Perang Dingin, Indonesia tetap mampu menginisiasi kerja sama di ASEAN walaupun signifikansi ASEAN sempat dipertanyakan. Pada masa krisis ekonomi Asia 1997, krisis ekonomi, kebakaran hutan, dan instabilitas politik di Indonesia menjadi sumber masalah di ASEAN. Krisis tersebut membuat Indonesia berperan pasif di ASEAN. Pasca krisis, Indonesia kembali menunjukkan kepemimpinannya dengan menginisiasi Komunitas ASEAN maupun memediasi konflik di kawasan, salah satunya adalah kasus Preah Vihear. Namun pada periode pertama pemerintahan Presiden Joko Widodo, Indonesia dinilai tidak lagi memprioritaskan ASEAN dalam kebijakan luar negerinya. Indonesia berfokus pada urusan dalam negeri dan mencoba berperan lebih di tingkat internasional. Secara umum, peran Indonesia di ASEAN didominasi di sektor keamanan dan politik. Kajian literatur menunjukkan bahwa kepentingan, kepemimpinan, dan dinamika politik internal dan internasional memengaruhi peran yang dilakukan Indonesia di ASEAN.

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ABSTRACTSince its inception, Indonesia has often been associated as a leader in the institution of the Southeast Asian region, The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). The end of the Cold War made Indonesia's role more diverse. This paper will look at Indonesia's position and environmental conditions that are driving Indonesia to play a role in ASEAN. Chronologically, this paper will look at Indonesia's role in ASEAN during the post-Cold War New Order, Indonesia's role in ASEAN during the 1997 Asian economic crisis, and Indonesia's role in ASEAN in the post-1997 economic crisis period. This literature review seeks to show consensus, debate, and academic gaps in this topic. From the literature mapping conducted, it can be concluded that in the post-Cold War New Order era, Indonesia was still able to initiate cooperation in ASEAN even though the significance of ASEAN was questioned. During the 1997 Asian economic crisis, the economic crisis, forest fires and political instability in Indonesia were a source of problems in ASEAN. The crisis made Indonesia a passive role in ASEAN. After the crisis, Indonesia again showed its leadership by initiating the ASEAN Community and mediating conflicts in the region, one of which was the Preah Vihear dispute. But in the first period of President Joko Widodo's administration, Indonesia was considered to no longer prioritize ASEAN in its foreign policy. Indonesia focuses on domestic affairs and tries to play a greater role at the international level. In general, Indonesia's role in ASEAN is dominated in the security and political sectors. The literature study shows that the interests, leadership, and dynamics of internal and international politics influence the role of Indonesia in ASEAN."

"Buku yang berjudul War and Peace ini ditulis oleh Leo Tolstoy. Buku ini merupakan sebuah novel yang aslinya berbahasa Rusia, namun telah diterjemahkan oleh Louise dan Aylmer Maude. "