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"The Indonesian Armed Force (Tentara Nasional Indonesia, TNI) has for decades been the instrument used by those in power to endorse and hold their powerful positions. As a consequence, the Indonesian Armed Force has not only lost its professionalism, but also its quality and competence. A professional army can only be established in the condition of a democratic political life. In this article the author describes the situation in Indonesia nowadays, i.e. the transition towards democratization. In this process, the most important agenda is to return the main function of the Indonesian Armed Force in line with the need and the will of Indonesian people, i.e. to guard the nation sovereignty and territory. However, the author also recognizes the other functions the armed force has to carry out. In relation to this, the article examines how the professionalism of the Indonesian Armed Force can be formed in the midst of a political transition process. The author proposes several steps to be taken, i.e. to revise or replace the legislation about the state's defense policy; revise the armed force's doctrine so as to accommodate the people's needs; revise the legislation on the police force to enable the police to guard the civil order, strengthen the law, and avoid the outside intervention; as well as to allow the armed force's members to choose their representatives in the general election."

"The Indonesian Armed Force (Tentara Nasional Indonesia, TNI) has for decades been the instrument used by those in power to endorse and hold their powerful positions. As a consequence, the Indonesian Armed Force has not only lost its professionalism, but also its quality and competence. A professional army can only be established in the condition of a democratic political life. In this article the author describes the situation in Indonesia nowadays, i.e. the transition towards democratization. In this process, the most important agenda is to return the main function of the Indonesian Armed Force in line with the need and the will of Indonesian people, i.e. to guard the nation sovereignty and territory. However, the author also recognizes the other functions the armed force has to carry out. In relation to this, the article examines how the professionalism of the Indonesian Armed Force can be formed in the midst of a political transition process. The author proposes several steps to be taken, i.e. to revise or replace the legislation about the state's defense policy; revise the armed force's doctrine so as to accommodate the people's needs; revise the legislation on the police force to enable the police to guard the civil order, strengthen the law, and avoid the outside intervention; as well as to allow the armed force's members to choose their representatives in the general election.The Indonesian Armed Force (Tentara Nasional Indonesia, TNI) has for decades been the instrument used by those in power to endorse and hold their powerful positions. As a consequence, the Indonesian Armed Force has not only lost its professionalism, but also its quality and competence. A professional army can only be established in the condition of a democratic political life. In this article the author describes the situation in Indonesia nowadays, i.e. the transition towards democratization. In this process, the most important agenda is to return the main function of the Indonesian Armed Force in line with the need and the will of Indonesian people, i.e. to guard the nation sovereignty and territory. However, the author also recognizes the other functions the armed force has to carry out. In relation to this, the article examines how the professionalism of the Indonesian Armed Force can be formed in the midst of a political transition process. The author proposes several steps to be taken, i.e. to revise or replace the legislation about the state's defense policy; revise the armed force's doctrine so as to accommodate the people's needs; revise the legislation on the police force to enable the police to guard the civil order, strengthen the law, and avoid the outside intervention; as well as to allow the armed force's members to choose their representatives in the general election."

"In this article, the author describes the ethnography of the To-Kaili, the largest ethnics group in Central Sulawesi. To-Kaili had an important historical role in the period of Dutch colonization. At least four kingdoms tried to rebel against Dutch rule namely Moutong, Banawa, Sigi, and Kulawi. The author goes on to discuss the "modal personality" of Kaili people which covers social and religious life, ethos, language, art and literature. In the last section, he tries to predict how those people will face changes in the near future."

"The article focuses on the role of Indonesian of Arab descents in local politics, particularly in two provinces in Outer Islands, East Kalimantan and West Nusa Tenggara. While much have been researched on the role of Arab descents in national Politics such as studies by Hamid Algadri and Bisri Affendy, little is known about their roles in local politics. In East Kalimantan, Indonesian of Arab descents have played political roles up to the level of Vice Governor and other important positions, as far back as the Sultanates period in the 1950s. Similar important political role have also occurred in West Nusa Tenggara where Indonesian of Arab descents were the Chairman of Local Parliament (DPRD) and Assistant to the Governors, both in the1950s and 1960s. The important roles that have been played by Indonesians of Arab descents are made possible by their "local assimilation" to the local indigenous communities, both trough intermarriages; common living in the same residential areas; common Islamic beliefs and their integration into Indonesian political system after dissolution of Indonesian party of Arab descent (PAI) in the 1930s which have differentiated them from the political history of Indonesian of Chinese descent (peranakan Tionghoa)."

"During the new order era local adat was subjected to a process of cultural erosion due to the priorities accorded national integrations, as well as economic, social and development by the Indonesian government. However, the '90s have witnessed a resurgence of concern with adat as a vehicle for the local peoples' identity and as a mechanism for local government and dispute resolution, trends intensified since the beginning of the reformasi era with its relegitimation of discourse of regional autonomy. This essay presents a case study of these processes among Lindu people of Central Sulawesi, focusing upon how they have managed to reinvigorate their adat as a response to two forms of governmental imposition: 1) the encompassment of their land within a national park (i.e. Taman National Lore Lindu); and 2) the plan to construct a hydroelectric project, which would have forced the loss of land to rising water level and resettlement of the local population. The Lindu people have sought there empowerment of their adat by recasting it as a community resource management system that they argue can lead to greater sustainability of local natural resource than any imposed regimen of national park regulations. With assistance of NGOs such as Yayasan Tanah Merdeka, they have also adopted the discourse of 'indigenous people' to defend their continuing right of inhabitation in their homeland in the face of threatened resettlement. This essay explores the cultural politics of masyarakat adat as 'indigenous people' and the invocation of ecologically sound 'indigenous wisdom' as a warrant for resistance to development programs."

"Konflik-konflik berdarah yang menyertai Indonesia setelah jatuhnya Orde Baru cenderung terjadi di Indonesia bagian Timur, dengan pengecualian daerah Aceh. Saat ini banyak analisis akademis, baik dalam bahasa Indonesia maupun Inggris yang telah mulai menguraikan aspek-aspek politis, sosial dan diskursif dari konflik-konflik di Timor Timur, Maluku, Maluku Utara, Poso, Kalimantan dan Papua. Penelitian-penelitian ini telah mulai meninggalkan penelaahan-penelaahan yang terlalu sederhana dan kerap sarat bias yang muncul segera setelah terjadinya konflik. Penelitian-penelitian tersebut mulai memberikan gambaran tentang konteks etnografis yang lengkap dan lebih rumit dari 'perang di Indonesia bagian Timur'. Gambaran ini memperlihatkan tercampur baurnya provokasi politik, ketegangan ekonomi, provokasi diskursif, dan adaptasi buletin lokal terhadap bentuk-bentuk identifikasi berdasarkan agama suku bangsa yang memberikan dorongan dan motif berbeda untuk ikut serta dalam setiap kerusuhan individual yang bergejolak di berbagai wilayah Indonesia Timur setelah tahun 1999. Walaupun setiap bentrokan/pertikaian (bahkan dalam satu wilayah konflik seperti Maluku atau Poso) seringkali bersifat unik secara politis dan pengalaman, mereka saling mempengaruhi satu sama lain. Setiap kerusuhan memupuk berkembangnya perasaan paranoia nasional yang disebarluaskan oleh media. Dalam prosesnya,setiap pertikaian/bentrokan menaburkan bibit-bibit kekerasan di tempat lainnya."

"This article will clarify political representation of exhibition at Ullèn Sentalu Museum, Monumen Jogja Kembali, and Affandi Museum. These three museums are considered as proponent of Yogyakarta?s identity as the central of Javanese culture, struggle city, and the barometer of Indonesian fine art. The issue then, is it true that in the exhibitions? at the three museums are appropriate with the identity of Yogyakarta, or in the contrary, the exhibitions have no correlation with this city?s identity discourse. There is a possibility that museum precisely bringing self-interest for specific purposes. Therefore, this paper needs to observe how the exhibitions at these museums were implemented. Through interpretive approach, the exhibition at the museum may be analogous similar with language phenomenon, and hence museum is considered as text that can be read and interpreted. Exhibition at the museum was developed within framework of thoughts (ideology), motives, and specific discourses, which all of these are articulated through a set of symbols (collection), that arranged with special layout procedure (display procedure). Thus, museum becomes ?political? since, in this perspective, museum has power over the formation of discourse through their exhibition."

"Violent tragedy in Bali has a long history. Violence during the Dutch colonial regime, until the 1965 massacre of local political violence under the "Orde Baru" occurred. Post-Reform of 1998, the tragedy of violence re-emerged in tandem with the strengthening of indigenous authority (Pakraman Village) that forced silence during the centralized authoritarian "Orde Baru" regime. Pakraman village go hand in hand with the spirit of strengthening the cultural movement (Ajeg Bali) post Bali bombings of 2002 and 2005. Within institutions of Pakraman Village, there lies pecalangan, a traditional indigenous security forces who participates in the business of security and control of new settlers in these territories. In political violence contestation and strengthening of the culture, the local-hero who has a long history of political violence in Bali plays their vital role through the mass organizations and also joined as pecalangan. This paper tried to describe the relationship between political history of violence in Bali and the pursuit of the local-hero in it."

"This paper will evaluate the impact of some early years of political reforms, democratization and regional autonomy on agrarian matters. During the New Order period, land resources were appropriated without consultation with local communities and land disputes have emerged to the political surface in many regions of Indonesia. The data I present here derive from South Sumatra, one of the hottest areas of Indonesia for disputed land. It will particularly focus on two key issues of agrarian matters, the position of the hak ulayat and solutions of land disputes."

"In this article the author examines the problem of ethnicity and the Indonesian nation-state. He asserts that Indonesia's history is marked by the tension between the country's ideological basis - as started in the preamble to its constitution- and the structural foundations stipulated in the chapters of that constitution. Working to achieve unity in diversity through the power granted him by the constitution, Soekarno applied the geopolitics based upon the Blut und Boden Theorie. However, each and every ethnic group that was to be united met the criteria of Blut und Boden and others. The concentration of power upon the president, reinforced by the Javanese conception of power, continued with Soeharto; eventually leading to the reform movement wherein in the many smaller groups in the union have begun to speak out. The author concludes that the centralization of power of the past must be replaced by a system with broad regional autonomy. While remaining true to the principle of the constitution, the distribution of economic power among the regions serve also as a safeguard against future crisis."