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"ABSTRACTThe IPCC in 2015 has recognized the critical role of local governments in scaling up the adaptation of communities to climate change. The role will be executed properly if the leaders have an awareness of climate change as a strategic agenda in his administration. In the context of Indonesia, the vision and mission of a regional head can be a clue as to how he supports efforts in tackling climate change. The five-year regional development plan is anelaboration of the development agendas offered by a regional head in his vision and mission.Therefore, this paper aims to analyze the future of climate change policy in some provincial governments based on the vision and mission of the elected governors. To achieve the goal, the author employs a qualitative approach to analyze the contents of the vision and mission and their preference to climate change. The results of the study indicate that the elected governors are still not very aware of climate change and did not specify it in their vision and mission. Therefore, in the preparation of five-year regional development plan, it is necessary for some stakeholders to address and specifically mention the issues of climate change."

"ABSTRAKPerkoalisian adalah hal yang umum ditemui dalam pembahasan kebijakan di sistem multipartai. Tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk mengetahui dinamika sikap dan perilaku dalam berkoalisi oleh fraksi-fraksi di DPR pada pembahasan Rancangan Undang-Undang Pemilihan UmumTahun 2017 RUU Pemilu Tahun 2017 . Pada pembahasan RUU Pemilu Tahun 2017 tersebut, koalisi pendukung pemerintah berhasil memenangkan Paket A setelah pendukung paket B yang merupakan partai-partai oposan melakukan walkout. Dinamika koalisi sendiri menarik karena dipengaruhi oleh berbagai factor, baik factor materi isu-isu yang dibahas maupun lingkungan dan konteks social-ekonomi-politik yang ada. Untuk meneliti kasus tersebut, digunakan dua teori yaitu Teori Koalisi Berbasis Kebijakan Policy-Driven Coalitions Theory dan Teori Tawar-Menawar dalam Koalisi Political Bargaining On Coalitions Theory . Metode yang dipakai adalah metode kualitatif untuk memahami bagaimana sikap-sikap fraksi diputuskan. Data diambil dengan wawancara, studi dokumen dan observasi. Wawancara dilakukan terhadap Anggota Panitia Khusus RUU Pemilu Tahun 2017. Studi dokumen dilakukan dengan mempelajari risalah rapat dan Sidang Pansus dan DPR. Sedangkan observasi dilakukan pada proses pembuatan kebijakan tersebut. Ada beberapa temuan dari penelitian ini: pertama, sikap dan perilaku partai-partai didasari oleh perhitungan instrumental dan non-instrumental serta konteks social politik yang ada. Pertimbangan instrumental terdiri dari: 1 keuntungan dari isu-isu yang dibahas dalam RUU Pemilu Tahun 2017; 2 konsekuensi dari keputusan politik untuk berkoalisi. Sedangkan pertimbangan non-instrumental berkaitan dengan adanya factor keterhubungan connectedness antar partai utamanya dalam hal identifikasi social partai-partai tersebut. Faktor populisme Islam menjadi factor pembentuk identifikasi social di antara partai-partai tersebut. Kedua, struktur imbalan menjadi variabel independen yang penting dalam menentukan dimamika di kelompok partai-partai pendukung pemerintah. Pertimbangan non-instrumental sangat terlihat di kelompok partai-partai non-pendukung pemerintah disamping pertimbangan instrumental. Temuan-temuan tersebut mengonfirmasi teori-teori yang digunakan. Keterbatasan adalah dalam mengukur seberapa besar korelasi dan signifikansi variabel independen terhadap variable dependen.Kata Kunci: RUU Pemilu Tahun 2017, Koalisi, Presidential Coattail, Tawar-Menawar.

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ABSTRACT Coalitions is common phenomena in multiparty system policy making. The objective of this papers is to analyze political behavior on coalitions formations of Indonesia election policy change conducted in 2017. Coalitions of Government Supporting Parties won over their oppositions, after three deadclocks and opposition walkout in the voting session. The case is interesting for two reasons the debates on the issues and its socio political context. For that purposes, I use two theories in this papers first is Policy Driven Coalitions Theory, and the second is Political Bargainig on Coalitions Theory. I argue that political behavior on formation coalitions in that case influenced by instrumental and non instrumental backgrounds. This research qualitative method with three data collections interview, documents research and observations. I Interviewed members of Panitia Khusus Pansus of Election Act Proposal, researched Pansus and DPR Talking Sessions Documents and did observe the process. There are two finding in this research first, as I argue, intstrumental and non instrumental background are influence the behavior and decision on coalitions formations as well as socio political context. Two kinds of instrumental background found in this case are parties interest on the issues and the political consequences of their decisions due to socio polical context surrounding the policy making process. The non instrumental background on this case refers to parties connectedness for their self social identification similarities. Islamic populism is the main influencing factor on that self social identification. Second, from the research we find that instrumental background is significant reason for government coalitions parties to their decisions on coalitions. The presidential coattail and payoff structured by Jokowi is main factor on that aspect. In the non government coalitions parties, connectedness among them influence the decision on coalitions as well as their interest on policy issues. Those findings confirm the Theories of Policy Driven Coalitions and the Theory of Political Bargaining in Coalitions used in this research. This research is qualitative based so has limitations on quantitave aspect to clarify the correlations of the connecting variables and those significancies. Key Words Indonesian Election Policy Change 2017, Coalitions, Political Bargaining, Presidential Coattail"

"Analysing and synthesising vast data sets from a multitude of disciplines including climate science, economics, hydrology and agricultural research, this volume seeks new methods of combining climate change mitigation, adaptation, development, and poverty reduction in ways that are effective, efficient and equitable. A guiding principle of the project is that new alliances of state and non-state sector partners are urgently required to establish cooperative responses to the threats posed by climate change. This volume offers a vital policy framework for linking our response to this change with progressive principles of global justice and sustainable development."

"ABSTRAKHak politik dilindungi hukum, baik secara internasional maupun nasional. SecaraInternasional, hak politik diatur universal declaration of Human Rights ( UDHR)dan International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR).SecaraNasional, Hak politik juga dilindungi konsitusi kita dan beberapa peraturanperundang-undangan lainnya, terutama Undang-Undang No 39 tahun 1999tentang Hak Asasi Manusia. Status mantan narapidana seseorang ternyata bisamembuat hak politik nya dibatasi contohnya dalam hal untuk menjadi kepaladaerah. Pembatasan tersebut ditentukan secara tegas dalam pasal 58 huruf fUndang-Undang No 12 tahun 2008 tentang perubahan Undang-Undang No 32tahun 2004 tentang Pemerintahan Daerah. Dalam perkembangannya, pasaltersebut kemudian diujikan ke Mahkamah Konsitusi lewat judicial review.Mahkamah Konsitusi telah mengeluarkan beberapa putusan secara konstitusionalbersyarat (conditionally constitutional). Putusan tersebut membatalkan laranganberpolitik bagi mantan narapidana, akan tetapi memberikan syarat - syaratkeberlakuan yang limitatif. Syarat konstitusional dalam putusan MahkamahKonstitusi tersebut lah yang akan dibahas secara detail dalam tulisan ini. Dengantulisan ini penulis mencoba mengupas bagaimana hak politik mantan narapidanaitu diatur, dilindungi dan diimplementasikan pasca putusan konstitusionalbersyarat Mahkamah Konstitusi.

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ABSTRACTPolitical rights is protected by law, both internationally and nationally.

Internationally , political rights regulation determined in universal declaration of

Human Rights ( UDHR) dan International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights

(ICCPR). Nationally, Political rights is also protected by our constitution and

several legislation, especially law number 39 of 1999 about Human rights.

According to law, someone's ex-convicts status can lead him or her to political

rights limitation. To become the head of local government for example. Those

limitation is determined directly on article 58 letter f on Law number 12 of 2008

about revision on law number 32 of 2004 about Local Government. Afterwards,

that article was tested to Constitutional Court through judicial review mechanism.

Constututional Court then made a conditionally constitutional decicion on it. That

decicion canceled the prohibiton on ex-convicts political right, but determined

several constitutional requirement. Those constitutional requirements it self will

be criticized in this paper. By this, writer is trying to open clearly how ex-convicts

political right is regulated, protected and implemented after those Consitutional

Court's decicion"

"ABSTRAKPerppu Nomor 1 Tahun 2014 tentang Pemilihan Gubernur, Bupati dan Walikota yang diterbitkan oleh Presiden SBY pada tanggal 2 Oktober 2014 bertujuan untuk mengembalikan mekanisme pemilihan kepala daerah dari dipilih melalui DPRD yang diatur dalam UU Nomor 22 Tahun 2014 menjadi dipilih langsung oleh rakyat. Perppu ini bertentangan dengan sikap politik Koalisi Merah Putih KMP yang semula mendukung mekanisme pemilihan kepala daerah melalui DPRD. Akan tetapi, akhirnya KMP menyetujui untuk mengesahkan Perppu tersebut menjadi Undang-undang. Mengapa KMP mengubah sikap politiknya terhadap mekanisme pemilihan kepala daerah dengan menyetujui Perppu Nomor 1 Tahun 2014? Teori yang digunakan untuk menjawab pertanyaan penelitian ini adalah teori decision making yang dikemukakan oleh Giovanni Sartori. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif, dengan teknik pengumpulan data melalui wawancara sebagai sumber data primer dan risalah serta media sebagai sumber data sekunder. Kesimpulan penelitian menunjukkan bahwa perubahan sikap politik KMP diakibatkan oleh adanya tekanan publik, melemahnya soliditas koalisi dan upaya menghindari kekosongan hukum yang kemudian diperkuat dengan adanya kesepakatan politik antara KMP dengan SBY dan Partai Demokrat. Kompensasi yang diterima oleh KMP dari perubahan sikap politiknya adalah berupa dukungan Partai Demokrat di DPR, yang direalisasikan dalam pembagian kursi pimpinan di DPR dan MPR serta kursi pimpinan Komisi DPR.

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ABSTRACTPerppu number 1 of 2014 on The Election of Governors, Regents, and Mayors which published by President SBY on 2nd October 2014 is an effort to restore the mechanism of local elections from elections through the DPRD as regulated in UU Number 22 of 2014 on the Election of Governor, Regent And the Mayor, becomes directly elected by the people. This Perppu is certainly contrary to the political stance of the Koalisi Merah Putih KMP which originally supported the election of regional heads through the DPRD. However, at last KMP agreed to ratify Perppu No. 1 of 2014 to become UU No. 1 of 2015 on the Election of Governors, Regents and Mayors. Why has the KMP changed their political stance on the local elections mechanism by approving the Perppu No. 1 of 2014 The decision making theory proposed by Geovani Sartori is the main theory of this research. This research uses qualitative research method, with two data collection techniques that are obtained from interviews as primary data sources and minutes and mass media as secondary data sources. The conclusion of the study is that the change over in KMP political stance is due to public pressure, weak coalition and avoiding legal gap which is then strengthened by political agreement between KMP, SBY, and Democratic Party. The compensation received by the KMP from the change of their political stance towards the electoral mechanism of the regional head by approving the Perppu No. 1 of 2014 is in the form of Democratic Party support to the KMP in the DPR, which is realized in the division of position on Head DPR and MPR and also DPR Commission positions."

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Studi ini membahas konflik yang terjadi antara Pemerintah Provinsi DKI Jakarta dan Pemerintah Pusat dalam kebijakan Reklamasi Pantai Utara Jakarta Tahun 2017. Studi ini akan menjelaskan bagaimana proses konflik yang terjadi di antara pihak-pihak yang mewakili lembaga tersebut. Kemudian juga akan menjelaskan penyebab tercapainya konsensus dari dua pihak tersebut. Dalam menjelaskannya, studi ini menggunakan teori konflik dan konsensus serta business confidence. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan teknik pengumpulan data melalui wawancara, kajian jurnalistik dan studi pustaka. Hasil penelitian ini menemukan konflik yang terjadi antara Pemerintah Provinsi DKI Jakarta yang diwakili oleh Gubernur Anies R Baswedan dan Pemerintah Pusat oleh Menteri Koordinator Luhut B. Panjaitan merupakan sebuah konflik lisan yang disebabkan oleh perbedaan kepentingan dari masing-masing pihak terkait kebijakan pelaksanaan reklamasi Pantai Utara Jakarta. Konflik tersebut kemudian melibatkan pihak luar dalam mempengaruhi pandangan pihak yang berkonflik. Hingga konflik tersebut berakhir dengan konsensus yang menggunakan konsensus model pendapat gabungan.

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This study discusses conflicts that occur between the Provincial Government of DKI Jakarta and the Central Government in the 2017 Jakarta North Coast Reclamation policy. This study will explain how the conflict process occurs between the parties representing these institutions. Then it will also explain the reasons for reaching the consensus of the two parties. In explaining it, this study uses conflict and consensus theory and business confidence. The research used a qualitative method with data collection techniques through interviews, journalistic studies, and literature studies. The results of this study find that the conflict between the Provincial Government of DKI Jakarta represented by Governor Anies R Baswedan and the Central Government by Coordinating Minister Luhut B. Panjaitan was an oral conflict caused by differences in the interests of each party related to the implementation of the North Coast Jakarta reclamation policy. The conflict then involves an outside party in influencing the views of the conflicting parties. Until the conflict ends with a consensus that uses a consensus model of joint opinion.

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"DKI Jakarta merupakan wilayah dengan Indeks Kerawanan Pemilu (IKP) tertinggi, artinya rawan terjadi pelanggaran Pemilu termasuk netralitas ASN. Tidak hanya itu, DKI Jakarta juga merupakan wilayah dengan jumlah ASN terbanyak. Kedudukannya sebagai Ibu Kota juga menempatkan DKI Jakarta menjadi perhatian nasional dengan berbagai dinamika politiknya. Namun, dari beberapa tantangan yang disebutkan, faktanya, DKI Jakarta adalah wilayah dengan kasus pelanggaran netralitas ASN terendah dari tahun ke tahun. Hal ini tidak terlepas dari peran pengawasan Pemprov DKI Jakarta, mengingat 99,5% pelanggar netralitas ASN berstatus sebagai pegawai instansi daerah. Berdasarkan laporan hasil monitoring dan evaluasi KASN, Pemprov DKI Jakarta telah memenuhi hampir seluruh instruksi SKB No. 2 Tahun 2022, termasuk mengenai pembentukan Tim Internal Pengawas. Dalam implementasinya, Tim Internal Pengawas dinilai membantu tugas pengawasan netralitas ASN menjadi lebih masif. Oleh karena itu, penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui apa saja faktor-faktor yang mempengaruhi implementasi kebijakan Tim Internal Pengawas Netralitas ASN Pemprov DKI Jakarta pada Pemilu 2024. Pendekatan penelitian yang digunakan adalah post-positivist dengan teknik pengumpulan data melalui wawancara mendalam dan studi kepustakaan. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa faktor-faktor yang menjadi tantangan dalam implementasi kebiakan adalah komunikasi antara Satgas Nasional dengan Tim Internal Pengawas, serta keterbatasan wewenang Tim Internal Pengawas. Akan tetapi, Tim Internal Pengawas Netralitas Pemprov DKI Jakarta mengatasi hal tersebut melalui komitmen, sumber daya, dan struktur birokrasi yang mendukung.

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DKI Jakarta is a region with the highest Electoral Vulnerability Index (EVI), indicating a high risk of election violations, including civil servant neutrality. Additionally, DKI Jakarta has the highest number of civil servants. Its status as the capital city also makes DKI Jakarta a national focus with various political dynamics. However, despite these challenges, DKI Jakarta has consistently had the lowest cases of civil servant neutrality violations year after year. This cannot be separated from the supervisory role of the DKI Jakarta Provincial Government, considering that 99,5% of civil servant neutrality violators are regional agency employees. Based on the monitoring and evaluation report from KASN, the DKI Jakarta Provincial Government has complied with almost all instructions of the Joint Decree No. 2 of 2022, including the formation of an Internal Oversight Team. In its implementation, the Internal Oversight Team is considered to have made the task of supervising civil servant neutrality more extensive. Therefore, this study aims to identify the factors influencing the implementation of the Internal Oversight Team policy for civil servant neutrality in the DKI Jakarta Provincial Government during the 2024 elections. The research approach used is post-positivist with data collection techniques through in-depth interviews and literature studies. The results show that the challenges in policy implementation include communication between the National Task Force and the Internal Oversight Team, as well as the limited authority of the Internal Oversight Team. However, the DKI Jakarta Provincial Government's Internal Oversight Team addresses these issues through commitment, resources, and supportive bureaucratic structure."