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"ABSTRAKThis article traces the major contestations that have taken place in Sabah and Sarawak throughout the 54 years of their independence. The two major areas of contestation are state power and local resources, pitting federal leaders against Sabah and Sarawaks elites. These contestations have forced the federal government to accommodate the local elites, thus ensuring the stability of Barisan Nasional (BN) rule in the East Malaysian states. However, Sabah and Sarawak elites are not homogeneous since they have different degrees of power, agendas, and aspirations. These differences have led to open feuds between the elites, resulting in the collapse of political parties and the formation of new political alignments. Over almost four decades, a great majority of the people in Sabah and Sarawak have acceded to BN rule. However, in the last decade there have been pockets of resistance against the authoritarian rule of BN and the local elites. This article argues that without accountability and a system of checks and balances, the demand for more autonomy by the increasingly vocal Sabah and Sarawak elites will benefit only them and not the general public."

"ABSTRAKSebuah organisasi perlu melakukan langkah-langkah manajemen krirsis bilamana mengalami krisis tak terkecuali partai Politik (dalam hal ini Partai Demokrat). Partai Demokrat mengalami krisis yang mendapat perhatian publik luas setelah Ketua Umum (Annas Urbaningrum) terjerat kasus korupsi.Tujuan dari penulisan ini adalah untuk mengetahui bagaimana manajemen krisis yang dilakukan partai, sudah baikah atau belum; serta untuk mengetahui bagaimana keberhasilan partai dalam mengatasi krisis internal maupun eksternal tersebut. Dari hasil analisis ditemukan bahwa pendekatan penanganan krisis dengan konsep Model Integrated Crisis Mapping belum dilakukan dengan maksimal. Partai Demokrat tidak melakukan pendekatan Anxiety (sesuai dengan keadaan masyarakat) untuk menangani krisis. Langkah-langkah yang dilakukan partai belum sesuai dengan 5 langkah penanganan krisis yang terdapat didalam Konsep IGROW dan hubungan partai dengan media sesuai dengan konsep Media Management Konsep juga belum sesuai. Padahal yang perlu diingat pula dalam Manajemen krisis adalah mengatasi permasalahan harus sesuai dengan akibat yang ditimbulkan dari permasalahan itu sendiri melalui pelaksanaan hubungan dengan media secara baik.

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ABSTRACT

An organization needs to take steps krirsis when crisis management is no exception Political party (in this case the Democratic Party). Democratic Party suffered a crisis that got wide public attention after the Chairman (Annas Urbaningrum) entangled in corruption cases.

The purpose of this paper is to find out how the crisis management of the party, it was that good or not; and to know how the party's success in overcoming the internal and external crises. From the analysis it was found that the approach to the handling of a crisis with the concept of Integrated Model of Crisis Mapping has not performed to the maximum. Democrats do not approach Anxiety (in accordance with the state of the public) to deal with the crisis. The steps of the party not in accordance with the five steps inherent in the crisis management concept IGROW and the party's relationship with the media in accordance with the concept of Media Management concept is also not appropriate. In fact to keep in mind also in crisis management is addressing the problem must be in accordance with the impact of the problem itself through the implementation of a good relationship with the media."

"Skripsi ini membahas tentang gerakan sosial yang terjadi di Bolivia khususnya yang berkembang dan membesar dari tahun 1985 sampai dengan 2006. Gerakan sosial yang terjadi semakin membesar seiring kebijakan pemerintah sebagai bentuk dari perubahan politik yang terjadi di Bolivia yang dianggap membawa dampak buruk bagi rakyat Bolivia. Pembasmian ladang koka dan kebijakan ekonomi baru melalui privatisasi (air dan hidrokarbon) menjadi faktor yang membuat perlawanan rakyat Bolivia tumbuh dan membesar. Bentuk perlawanan rakyat Bolivia menjadi unik ketika gerakan sosial dapat dikatakan berhasil menjatuhkan kekuasaan yang telah mapan (dalam skripsi mengacu pada neoliberalisme). Proses keberhasilan gerakan sosial akan menjadi tujuan akhir penulis untuk memaparkan sekaligus menjelaskan fenomena yang terjadi di Bolivia. Indikator akhir keberhasilan gerakan sosial tidak terlepas dari peran MAS dan Morales, yang mengambil perubahan politik bergeser ke "kiri" dengan menggunakan teori hegemoni Gramsci.

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This thesis discusses about social movements in Bolivia especially that developed and expand from 1985 to 2006. The social movement that more expand along government policy that perform of political change in Bolivia that assumed bringing a negative impact for the Bolivian. Eradication coca and new economic policy with privatization (water and Hydrocarbon) became a factor that make the struggle of the Bolivian rise and expand. The struggle of people be unique when social movement can be said successfully makes the government power is fallen (in this thesis is focused to neoliberalism). The success of the social movements will be the objectives of the writers to flatten and explain the phenomenon in Bolivia. The success of the social movements indicators can not quit from MAS and Morales, they took political change to the left ideology and Gramscian?s Hegemony theory."

"This paper considers the implication of Hannah Arendt's criticism of the relationship between violence and politics. For some political theorists and philosophers, it is taken for granted, that violence and politics are inextriacably intertwined. For Arendt, it is crucial to keep the two the two clearly and distinctly aapart. After arguing for a tripartite division between the human the human activities of labor, work and action, Arendt identifies the politics as the part of action and the violence as the part of labor and work. This is the way Arendt argues to keep the politics and the violence clearly apart."