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"Indonesia is the world's third largest democracy (after India and the USA) and the only fully democratic Muslim democracy, yet it remains little known in the comparative politics literature. This book aspires to do for Indonesian political studies what The American Voter did for American political science. It contributes a major new case, the world's largest Muslim democracy, to the latest research in cross-national voting behavior, making the unique argument that Indonesian voters, like voters in many developing and developed democracies, are 'critical citizens' or critical democrats. The analysis is based on original opinion surveys conducted after every national-level democratic election in Indonesia from 1999 to the present by the respected Indonesian Survey Institute and Saiful Mujani Research and Consulting."

"Thee Kian Wie was one of Indonesia's most respected and most prominent economic historians. His recent passing is a great loss for Indonesia and its younger economists, many of whom refer to Thee as a role model. This book gathers together 14 of Thee's published papers that were scattered elsewhere, making it a valuable collection for readers seeking to understand the chronology and dynamics of Indonesia's economic development since the 1940s."

"This book contains a collection of papers on various aspects of Indonesia's economic and its industrial development. It discusses the early independence period in the 1950s; the Soeharto era (1966-1998); and the ensuing two economic crises, namely the Asian Financial Crisis of 1997/98 and the Global Financial Crisis of 2008."

"Penulis tertarik untuk meneliti perilaku tidak memilih pada pemilu presiden tahap pertama karena pemilu presiden baru pertama kali diselenggarakan di Indonesia, sehingga diasumsikan masyarakat masih antusias untuk memilih calon pemimpin mereka. Namun pada kenyataannya ada sebagian masyarakat yang tidak menggunakan hak pilihnya. Berdasarkan hal tersebut, permasalahan dalam tesis ini adalah mengapa sebagian masyarakat Jakarta tidak menggunakan hak pilihnya pada pemilihan umum tahap pertama, dan apa faktor-faktor yang menjadi penyebab mereka tidak memilih.Beberapa teori yang digunakan dalam tesis ini adalah Teori Partisipasi Politik dari Samuel Huntinton dan Joan M. Nelson, Teori Negara Birokratis Otoritarian clan Guillermo O'Donnel dan Korporatisme Negara dari Phillipe Schmitter dan Richard Gunter, serta Teori Perilaku Tidak Mernilih dari beberapa sarj ana seperti: Campbell dkk, Shaffer, Abramson dan Aldrich; Milrath dan Gael; Downs, Davis, Hinich dan Ordeshook. Penelitian ini memakai metode penelitian kualitatif, dengan tehnik analisa deskriptif analitis. Sistem penarikan sampel yang digunakan adalah nonprobabilrta dengan sistem snowball, untuk informan dan masyarakat umum, serta sistem purposive, untuk informan dan tokoh opinion leader. Tokoh-tokoh tersebut adalah Arbi Sanit dari UT, Ikrar Nusa Bhakti dari LIPI, Anies Baswedan dari LSI, Erianto dari LSI, Mohamad Qodari dari LSI, dan Fadjroel Rahman dari PEDOMAN.Hasil temuan yang didapat dalam penelitian ini adalah alasan masyarakat Jakarta yang berhasil diwawancarai, tidak menggunakan hak pilihnya, karena tidak menyukai semua calon presiden dan wakil presiden yang bertarung; kekecewaan terhadap sistem politik dan sistem pemilu, sikap apatis, dan alasan teknis administratif.Teori Perilaku Tidak Memilih dari sisi psikologis dan rasional berimplikasi positif, terhadap alasan-alasan yang diberikan oleh pemilih yang tidak memberikan suaranya di Jakarta. Sedangkan Teori Perilaku Tidak Memilih dari sisi demografis kehilangan relevansinya ketika menjelaskan alasan perilaku tidak memilih di Jakarta. Hal ini karena pemilih di Jakarta yang berhasil diwawancarai, yang tidak menggunakan hak pilihnya, sebagian besar berasal dari pendidikan tinggi.

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The reason why author interested to non-voting behavior in the first round of presidential election is because it was conducted for the first time in Indonesia. The assumption was, people would eager in electing their leader. But in the reality, a part of the voters did not use their voting rights. Based on the above condition, the question to be answered in this thesis was why part of the voters did not used their voting rights in the first round of presidential general election, and what factors caused this attitude.

Several theories used in the thesis were: Political Participation Theory by Samuel Huntington and Joan M. Nelson; Authoritarian Bureaucratic Theory by Guillermo O'Donnell, State Corporation Theory by Phillipe Schmitter, and Richard Gunter; and also Non-Voting Behavior Theory, by several scholars, such as Campbell et all, Shaffer, Abramson and Aldrich, Milrath and Goel, Downs, Davis, Hinich, and Ordeshook. The research applied qualitative method, using descriptive analytical technique. The sampling method used was the non-probability snowball system, for general population, and the purposive system for leader opinion figures. The figures were Arbi Saait from IJT, Ikrar Nusa Bhakti from LIPI, Anies Baswedan, Erianto, and Mohamad Qodari from LSI, and Fadjroel Rahman from PEDOMAN.

The research findings were: several reasons why part of the people in Jakarta did not use their voting rights. Among the reason were: they did not like all of the presidents and vice presidents candidates, disappointed in political and general election systems, apathy and technical administrative reasons.

Non-voting behavior in term of psychology and rational choice had positive implication to the non-voting behavior, while by demography point of view was not relevant to explain it, because most of the informant were belong to high educated people."

"Banyak studi telah dilakukan untuk menjelaskan proses demokratisasi yang dialami Indonesia pasca-Reformasi 1998, khususnya melalui penyelidikan mendalam terhadap pemilihan umum yang dilaksanakan setiap lima tahun sekali sejak 1999. Dari segi objek kajian, penelitian komunikasi politik terkait perilaku memilih berdasarkan kelas sosial masih relatif pinggiran dibandingkan beberapa objek kajian lain, seperti sistem kepartaian yang banyak ditulis dalam berbagai studi selama dekade pertama tahun 2000-an, maupun politik identitas dan gender yang menjadi sorotan pada dekade berikutnya. Dari segi kerangka teoretis, teori kelas sosial jarang digunakan, setelah selama lebih dari tiga dekade kekuasaan Orde Baru, teori ini relatif tidak berkembang dalam ilmu sosial di Indonesia. Disertasi ini mencoba mempertemukan pendekatan komunikasi politik dan kelas sosial dengan mempergunakan teori kelas sosial baru berdasarkan pendekatan strukturalisme genetik Pierre Bourdieu sebagai pisau analitis untuk menjelaskan perilaku memilih berbasis kelas sosial di Indonesia. Khususnya pemrosesan informasi oleh pemilih berbasis kelas sosial untuk memproduksi opini politik dan pilihan politik pada pemilihan umum Presiden dan Wakil Presiden pada 17 April 2019. Metode yang digunakan adalah convergent parallel mixed method—pendekatan kuantitatif dengan analisis kluster digunakan untuk mengidentifikasi dan mendeskripsikan kelas-kelas sosial di Indonesia, sementara pendekatan kualitatif melalui wawancara mendalam dengan para informan kunci digunakan untuk mendapatkan pemahaman yang mendalam tentang habitus kelas dan modus produksi opini politik masing-masing kelas sosial dengan menggunakan the modes of production of opinion Bourdieu. Hasil analisis kuantitatif dan kualitatif dengan interpretative phenomenological analysis berhasil mengidentifikasi empat kelas sosial di Indonesia lengkap dengan habitus kelas masing-masing, yakni kelas elite, kelas menengah profesional, kelas menengah tradisional, dan kelas marhaen. Tiap-tiap kelas sosial memiliki jumlah dan komposisi kapital ekonomi, budaya, dan sosial yang berbeda, serta habitus kelas yang berbeda pula dan memiliki modus produksi opini politik yang juga menunjukkan perbedaan (distinction). Perbedaan modus produksi opini politik berhubungan langsung dengan perbedaan habitus kelas masing-masing kelas sosial. Penelitian ini juga menunjukkan bahwa modus produksi opini politik dan pilihan politik tersebut terkondisikan secara sosial. Kelas elite dan kelas menengah profesional mengalami modus produksi opini dan pilihan politik berdasarkan etos kelas atau produksi orang-pertama, sementara kelas menengah tradisional dan kelas marhaen mengalami modus produksi opini dan pilihan politik berdasarkan production by proxy. Akibatnya, kelas menengah tradisional dan kelas marhaen rentan terhadap doxa, propaganda dan kekerasan simbolik.

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Much have been written about the democratization process experienced by Indonesia after the 1998 Reformation, especially through in-depth investigations into general elections, which have been held every five years since 1999. In terms of the object of study, studies on political communication related to voting behavior based on social class are relatively marginalized compared to other objects, such as the party system, which has been widely studied in the firstdecade of the 2000s, as well as politics of identity and gender, which became the spotlighted topic in the following decade. In terms of the theoretical framework, social class theory has been rarely used, and after more than three decades of New Order rule, this theory remains relatively underdeveloped in social sciences in Indonesia. This dissertation attempts to reconcile political communication and social class approaches, by using a new social class theory based on Pierre Bourdieu's genetic structuralism approach as an analytical tool to explain social class-based voting behavior in Indonesia, particularly the processing of information by social class-based voters in producing political opinions and political choices in the presidential and vice presidential elections of April 17, 2019. The method used is the convergent parallel mixed method - a quantitative approach using cluster analysis is used to identify and describe social classes in Indonesia, while a qualitative approach through in-depth interviews with key informants is used to get an understanding of the class habitus and the mode of production of political opinion of each social class, using Bourdieu’s concept of mode of production of opinion. The results of the quantitative and qualitative analysis, using interpretative phenomenological analysis, have succeeded in identifying four social classes in Indonesia, complete with their respective class habitus, namely the elite class, the professional middle class, the traditional middle class, and the marhaen class. Each social class has a different number and composition of economic, cultural and social capital, as well as a different class habitus and distinctive mode of production of political opinion. The different modes of production of political opinion are directly related to differences in the class habitus of each social class. This research also shows that the mode of production of political opinion and political choice is socially conditioned. The elite and professional middle classes experience a mode of production of opinion and political choice based on a class ethos, or first-person production; while the traditional middle and marhaen classes experience a mode of production of opinion and political choice based on production by proxy. As a result, the traditional middle class and the marhaen class are vulnerable to doxa, propaganda and symbolic violence."

"Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menguji hipotesis bahwa terdapat hubungan yang positif dan signifikan antara jenama politik kandidat dengan perilaku memilih, dengan fokus pada pemilihan umum atau politik. Penelitian ini dilakukan kepada dewasa muda sebanyak 278 orang dengan partisipan dengan rentan usia 18-25 tahun. Penelitian ini menggunakan analisis deskriptif dan analisis inferensial. Analisis deskriptif dilakukan untuk memberikan gambaran tentang karakteristik demografis partisipan. Selanjutnya, analisis inferensial digunakan dengan menerapkan pearson correlation untuk mengevaluasi hubungan antara jenama politik kandidat dan perilaku memilih. Penelitian ini juga menggunakan partial correlation untuk mengeksplorasi variabel-variabel tambahan yang mungkin memiliki hubungan tersebut, seperti seberapa sering melihat postingan, sejak kapan melihat sosial media mengenai Ganjar Pranowo, dan rasa dekat dengan partai politik PDI-P. Hasil penelitian ini diharapkan dapat memberikan pemahaman mengenai hubungan jenama politik kandidat dan perilaku memilih pemilih, dengan implikasi yang relevan dalam konteks politik dan pemilihan umum.

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This research aims to test the hypothesis that there is a positive and significant relationship between candidate political brand and voting behavior, focusing on general elections or political contexts. The study involved 278 young adults with participants ranging from 18 to 25 years old. Descriptive and inferential analyses were employed in this research. Descriptive analysis was conducted to provide an overview of the demographic characteristics of the participants. Furthermore, inferential analysis was utilized by applying person correlation to evaluate the relationship between candidate political brand and voting behavior. Additionally, partial correlation was used to explore additional variables that may influence this relationship, such as the frequency of viewing posts, the duration of exposure to social media content about Ganjar Pranowo, and the sense of closeness to the PDI-P political party. The results of this research are expected to contribute to the understanding of the influence of candidate political brand on voters' behavior, with relevant implications in the political and general election context."