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"Penelitian ini memberikan studi mendalam tentang penyesuaian strategis Indonesia di Laut China Selatan dan dampaknya terhadap hubungan Indonesia-China serta stabilitas regional di tengah ketegangan geopolitik yang meningkat. Penelitian ini mengeksplorasi transisi Indonesia ke kebijakan maritim yang lebih tegas melalui penyebaran informasi, peningkatan militer, dan aliansi diplomatik untuk melawan pengaruh China. Menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif yang didasarkan pada model perubahan kebijakan luar negeri Charles F. Hermann, teori geopolitik, dan pandangan konstruktivis, penelitian ini menyelidiki faktor-faktor internal dan eksternal yang mendorong perubahan ini, termasuk persaingan AS-China dan identitas maritim Indonesia yang sedang berkembang.Meskipun ada potensi konflik, Indonesia dan China tetap fokus pada solusi diplomatik dan kerjasama ekonomi karena saling ketergantungan ekonomi dan kepentingan mereka dalam stabilitas regional. Disertasi ini menekankan peran penting dialog dan kerjasama yang meningkat antara Indonesia dan China dalam menangani isu-isu keamanan di Laut China Selatan, dengan menyarankan peningkatan keamanan maritim bilateral dan kerjasama ekonomi. Penelitian ini berkontribusi pada pemahaman tentang diplomasi maritim dan penyesuaian strategis, serta menyoroti pentingnya identitas nasional, strategi geopolitik, dan diplomasi internasional dalam menghadapi tantangan sengketa maritim global dan mendorong perdamaian dan stabilitas di kawasan Asia-Pasifik.

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This research provides a detailed study of Indonesia's strategic adjustment in the South China Sea and its effects on Indonesia-China relations and regional stability amidst growing geopolitical tensions. It explores Indonesia's transition to a more assertive maritime policy through information dissemination, military enhancement, and diplomatic alliances to counter China's influence. Utilizing a qualitative approach grounded in Charles F. Hermann's foreign policy change model, geopolitical theory, and constructivist views, it investigates the internal and external factors driving this shift, including US-China rivalry and Indonesia's emerging maritime identity.

Despite potential conflicts, Indonesia and China have maintained a focus on diplomatic solutions and economic cooperation due to their mutual economic dependencies and interest in regional stability. The dissertation emphasizes the critical role of increased Indonesia-China dialogue and cooperation in addressing South China Sea security issues, suggesting improved bilateral maritime security and economic collaboration. It contributes to the understanding of maritime diplomacy and strategic adjustments, highlighting the importance of national identity, geopolitical strategy, and international diplomacy in navigating the challenges of global maritime disputes and advocating for peace and stability in the Asia-Pacific region."

"Tugas karya akhir ini membahas mengenai strategi Vietnam dalam menjaga keamanan Laut Tiongkok Selatan pada tahun 2011. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif yang bertujuan untuk membahas dan menganalisa strategi Vietnam dalam menjaga keamanan Laut Tiongkok Selatan pada tahun 2011. Strategi yang dilakukan Vietnam salah satunya dengan kerja sama pertahanan dengan Amerika Serikat melalui penegasan MoU pada tahun 2011. Kerja sama tersebut bertujuan untuk meningkatkan kekuatan militer Vietnam guna menjaga keamanan di Laut Tiongkok Selatan dari negara-negara yang bersengketa terutama Tiongkok, selaku pemilik kekuatan militer terbesar di kawasan tersebut. Hal ini menuntut Vietnam melakukan kerja sama pertahanan dengan Amerika Serikat sebagai strategi extended deterrence dalam menjaga keamanan Vietnam di Laut Tiongkok Selatan.

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This thesis discusses Vietnam's efforts in maintaining the security in the South China Sea in 2011. This study uses explanative and qualitative methods. It to discuss and analyze strategies how Vietnam maintain the security in the South China Sea in 2011. One of the strategies is defense cooperation with United States through the signing of the MoU in 2011. The defense cooperation was expected to help to improve Vietnam’s military strength in order to maintain the security of the South China Sea against the threats produced by other claimants policy, especially China as the largest military forces in the region. Vietnam’s policy to embrace United States extended deterrence, in part was a reaction to China’s military posture."

"Pesatnya aktivitas pelayaran menyebabkan sengketa teritorial dan maritim yang terjadi di Laut Tiongkok Selatan menimbulkan kekhawatiran akan terhambatnya hak untuk berlayar, khususnya bagi kapal perang. Penguasaan secara de facto oleh Tiongkok atas fitur-fitur laut di Spartly, Paracel dan Scarborough Shoal dapat berimplikasi pada keberlakuan hukum domestik Tiongkok yang membatasi hak lintas damai kapal perang asing di laut teritorial dan aktivitas militer asing di ZEEnya. Klaim Tiongkok ini ditentang oleh Amerika dengan cara mengirimkan kapal perangnya untuk berlayar di perairan yang masih bersengketa tersebut di bawah misi FONOP. Dalam meneliti permasalahan ini, Penulis menggunakan metode penelitian berupa yuridis normatif. Adapun kesimpulan yang diperoleh dari permasalahan tersebut adalah klaim Tiongkok tidak dapat dibenarkan oleh hukum internasional, dengan demikian hak lintas damai tidak berlaku di perairan sekitar fitur-fitur yang diklaim negara tersebut dan kapal asing tetap dapat berlayar di bawah rezim kebebasan navigasi yang tertuang dalam Pasal 58 1 UNCLOS. Oleh sebab itu, seharusnya Amerika mengirimkan kapal perangnya untuk melakukan kebebasan navigasi. Selain itu, Tiongkok tidak berhak mengklaim ZEE dari fitur-fitur yang diklaimnya tersebut sehingga kebijakan atas aktivitas militer tidak dapat diterapkan. Tiongkok adalah negara yang telah meratifikasi UNCLOS, maka seyogyanya negara tersebut mematuhi ketentuan-ketentuan yang diatur dalam konvensi tersebut.

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Territorial and maritime disputes occurring in the South China Sea have raised awareness among international communities regarding the impediment of navigational rights. China rsquo s de facto control on the sea features such as Spartly, Paracel and Scarborough Shoal possibly implies the enforcement of Chinese domestic laws that limit the innocent passage of foreign warships in territorial sea and foreign military activities in EEZ. However, America opposes Chinese claims by sending its warships to sail near disputed waters under FONOP mission. The research method used in this thesis is yuridis normatif.

The conclusions derived from the problem are, Chinese claims cannot be justified by international law, therefore the right of innocent passage is not applicable in the waters surrounding the claimed features and foreign warships are able to sail under the regime of freedom of navigation provisioned in Article 58 1 UNCLOS. Therefore, America should have sent its warships under the freedom of navigation regime. On the other hand, China is not capable of claiming EEZ derived from the features, therefore the country cannot restrict military activities in the region. Moreover, as member of UNCLOS, China has obligation to follow the rules set up in the convention."

"ASEAN has an abiding interest in peace and stability in this region and in freedom of navigation in and overflight above the South China Sea. Much of ASEANs commerce, including its members' traded food and energy resources, passes through or over the South China Sea. The stakes for ASEAN and its members in the South China Sea are very high.This book is the product of a conference on Entering Uncharted Waters? ASEAN and the South China Sea Dispute, initiated to remind all claimants to bring their claims as close as possible to the provisions of the 1982 UN Convention on the Law of the Sea. After all, ASEAN has sought to promote the rule of law in the region."

"Permasalahan Laut Cina Selatan merupakan permasalahan yang belum mencapai titik terang sampai dengan saat ini. Ketegangan kembali menguat setelah munculnya China Threat Teory serta gencarnya kebijakan Belt and Road Initiative oleh pemerintah China yang mencangkup Silk Road Economic dan Maritime Silk Road. Klaim Cina terhadap Kawasan Laut Cina Selatan dengan Nine Dash Line menimbulkan keresahan di negara kawasan ASEAN yang sebagian besar memiliki klaim yang tumpang tindih. Indonesia tidak termasuk sebagai negera penuntut dalam kasus sengketa di Laut Cina Selatan, namun demikian Indonesia turut terkena imbasnya dengan klaim perairan Natuna utara yang diakui Cina sebagai Traditional Fishing Ground. Dalam penelitian ini dilakukan pengukuran tingkat ancaman Cina terhadap Indonesia dengna menggunakan metode penilaian ancaman Prunckun untuk menilai persepsi tingkat ancaman dari pihak Indonesia. Peneliti menggunakan metodekualitatif, dengan menganalisis hasil wawancara dengan narasumber secara mendalam tentang respon yang dilakukan pemerintah Indonesia terhadap pergerakan yang dilakukan Cina di Laut Cina Selatan. Dalam penelitian ini peneliti berfokus dengan mengkaji respon pemerintah khususnya dari dua sisi komponen strategis yakni aspek kekuatan bersenjata dan aspek ekonomi. Dari dua aspek tersebut dilakukan perbandingan respon untuk melihat konsistensi pemerintah dalam menghadapi ancaman Cina. Dalam penelitian ini didapat bahwa langkah pemerintah dari dua aspek tersebut menunjukkan tidak sejalan. Kemudian Peneliti menggunakan K3N sebagai alat untuk memberikan produk Intelijen sebagai bentuk fungsi intelijen yakni Warning, Forecasting dan Problem Solving.

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The South China Sea problem is a problem that has not yet reached the bright spot until now. Tensions have strengthened again after the emergence of China Threat Theory and the incessant Belt and Road Initiative policy by the Chinese government which includes the Silk Road Economic and Maritime Silk Road. China's claim to the South China Sea Area with the Nine Dash Line has caused unrest in ASEAN countries, most of which have overlapping claims. Indonesia is not included as a claimant country in cases of disputes in the South China Sea, however, Indonesia is also affected by the claim that the North Natuna waters are recognized by China as the Traditional Fishing Ground. In this study, the measurement of China's threat level to Indonesia was carried out using the Prunckun threat assessment method to assess the perceived threat level from the Indonesian side. The researcher used a qualitative method, by analyzing the results of interviews with sources in depth about the response made by the Indonesian government to the movements carried out by China in the South China Sea. In this study, researchers focused on examining the government's response, especially from the two sides of the strategic component, namely the aspect of armed power and the economic aspect. From these two aspects, a response was compared to see the consistency of the government in facing the Chinese threat. In this study, it was found that the government's steps from these two aspects showed that they were not in line. Then the researcher used K3N as a tool to provide intelligence products as a form of intelligence function, namely Warning, Forecasting and Problem Solving.

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"ABSTRAKKepulauan Spratly adalah sebuah wilayah di Laut Cina Selatan dimana terdapat terumbu karang dan pulau-pulau kecil. Wilayah Kepulauan Spratly bersama-sama dengan Laut China Selatan telah menjadi wilayah sengketa negara-negara tersebut yang mengelilingi Laut Cina Selatan. China adalah salah satu negara yang disengketakan, dengan mengklaim Laut Cina Selatan dan pulau-pulaunya, termasuk Nusantara Spratlys, sebagai bagian dari kedaulatannya. Pada akhir 2013, Cina melakukannya konstruksi pada 7 fitur karang di wilayah Kepulauan Spratly, yaitu Cuarteron Terumbu Karang, Terumbu Fiery Cross, Terumbu Gaven, Terumbu Hughes, Terumbu Johnson, Terumbu Mischief, dan Subi Reef, dan membuat pulau buatan baru. Status ketujuh fitur ini juga dipertanyakan dan apakah pembangunan pulau buatan ini bisa membuat China memperoleh kedaulatan atas Laut Cina Selatan. Artikel ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis status pulau buatan yang dibangun di atas tujuh fitur di wilayah tersebut Kepulauan Spratly dan apakah di pulau-pulau ini Cina bisa mendapatkan zona maritim untuk memperluas wilayah kedaulatannya di atas Laut Cina Selatan. DiTulisan ini menggunakan penelitian yuridis normatif dengan menganalisis peraturan perundang-undangan laut internasional tentang pulau dan pulau buatan, latar belakang klaim China terhadapLaut Cina Selatan tiba di pembangunan tujuh fitur, serta putusanPermanen Pengadilan Arbitrase pada perselisihan antara Cina dan Filipina. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa status tujuh fitur ditentukan dengan melihat kondisi aslinya sebelum dibangun oleh China, dan dengan status itu, China tidak dapat memperoleh zona ekonomi eksklusif di atas Kepulauan Spratly secara langsung secara keseluruhan, sehingga pembangunan tidak memberi Cina perluasankedaulatannya.ABSTRACTThe Spratly Islands are an area in the South China Sea where there are coral reefs and small islands. The area of ​​the Spratly Islands together with the South China Sea has become a disputed territory of these countries which surrounds the South China Sea. China is one of the disputed countries, claiming the South China Sea and its islands, including the Spratlys Archipelago, as part of its sovereignty. In late 2013, China carried out construction on 7 coral features in the Spratly Islands region, namely Cuarteron Coral Reef, Fiery Cross Reef, Gaven Reef, Hughes Reef, Johnson Reef, Mischief Reef, and Subi Reef, and created a new artificial island. The status of these seven features is also questioned and whether the construction of these artificial islands can allow China to gain sovereignty over the South China Sea. This article aims to analyze the status of artificial islands built on seven features in the Spratly Islands region and whether in these islands China can get a maritime zone to expand its sovereign territory over the South China Sea. In This paper uses normative juridical research by analyzing international maritime laws and regulations regarding artificial islands and islands, the background of China's claims to The South China Sea arrived at the construction of the seven features, as well as the verdictPermanent Court of Arbitration on disputes between China and the Philippines. The results show that the status of the seven features is determined by looking at their original condition before being built by China, and with that status, China cannot obtain an exclusive economic zone over the Spratly Islands directly in its entirety, so development does not give China an expansion.his sovereignty."

"This book provides an explanation of Chinese policy towards the South China Sea, and argues that this has been sculpted by the changing dynamics of the law of the sea in conjunction with regional geopolitical flux.The past few decades have witnessed a bifurcated trend in China's management of territorial disputes. Over the years, while China gradually calmed and settled most land-border disputes with its neighbors, disputes on the ocean frontier continued to simmer in a seething cauldron. China's Policy towards the South China Sea attributes the distinctive path of China's approach to maritime disputes to a unique factor--the law of the sea (LOS) as the "rules of the road" in the ocean. By deconstructing the concept of "sovereignty" and treating the LOS as an evolving regime, the book examines how the changing dynamics of the LOS regime have complicated and reshaped the nature and content of sovereign disputes in the ocean regime as well as the options of settlement. Applying the findings to the South China Sea case, the author traces the learning curve on which China has embarked to comprehend the complexity of the dispute accordingly and finds that it is the dynamic interaction of the law of the sea regime and the geopolitical conditions that has driven the evolution of China's South China Sea policy. This book will be of great interest to students of Chinese and Asian politics, international law, international relations and security studies"

"As a primary trade route for more than half of the world's shipping, the location of potentially huge oil and gas reserves, and the main source of protein in maritime South- East Asia, the South China Sea is a governing determinant of security, prosperity and development in East Asia and the wider Indo-Pacific region. The disputes in the South China Sea have long been seen as a source of tension and instability in the region. Although peace has been maintained until now, the South China Sea is the epicentre of changes in the international balance of power which have the potential to trigger military conflict. The South China Sea sovereignty disputes are among the most complicated in the world and engage claims from Brunei, China, Malaysia, Philippines, Taiwan, and Vietnam. Given the complex convergence of national interests in the region, the prospect of settling the decades-old disputes completely is very slim"