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"Europe's attempts to be able to be more independent on security and defense areas have been started since it tried to create EDC 1950's as the first security cooperation. Though EDC was never formally conceived, Europe has continued its efforts to develop cooperations in security and defense areas. Fouchet Plan, EPC, SEA and CFSP are several examples of its efforts attempted to be independent in these areas. CFSP is one of Europe's greatest innovations in strengtening these efforts. Specific articles in Treaty of Maastricht and Treaty of Amsterdam state that CFSP is the guidelines of mapping Europe's common security policy that will lead to common defense. What is stated by the articles is ambiguous as Europe up to now is still dependent on NATO/the US and will continously do so, in contrary Europe has EU/WEU which has been determined as an organization that will implement EU's defense policies.

This thesis tries to find out which security organization Europe will later use as its main security instrument and whether Europe actually aims at common defense or merely at common defense policy. This thesis concludes that EU will combine the usage of EU/WEU and NATO. NATO will remain to be Europe's military defense organization and EU/WEU will develop to be the organization that will ensure the security of Europe. This is a fact of the attainment of common defense policy in regard that the formation of European Army, as a form of common defense, is not viable. The establishment of a common defense requires radical adaptations and changes, for instance, EU has to construct the Europe's Ministry of Defense, European Minister of Defense and European Army. CFSP/ESDP will continue to develop and to determine resolutions on Europe's security cooperations. As long as the three EU core states (England, Germany and France) maintains diverse perpectives on common security and defense concepts, Europe will remain dependent on those two organizations (EU/WEU and NATO)."

"Tesis ini bertujuan menganalisis mengenai pertanyaan penelitian, mengapa Benelux melakukan kerjasama keamanan untuk memperkuat Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) Uni Eropa'Bagaimana Benelux mendukung kebijakan Uni Eropa dalam merespons perang Rusia-Ukraina (2014-2022), serta pendekatan apa yang dilakukan Benelux untuk itu. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan deskriptif analitik dengan menganalisis data-data yang bersumber dari data sekunder. Penelitian ini menggunakan empat level analisis teori Regional Security Complex oleh Barry Buzan dan menggunakan konsep keamanan kooperatif di tiap tingkat analisis tersebut. Temuan penelitian ini, Benelux dalam mendukung CFSP Uni Eropa dalam merespons perang Rusia-Ukraina belum kolektif secara institusional. Faktor kepentingan domestik Benelux tetap menjadi pertimbangan masing-masing negara. Selain itu ketergantungan Benelux terhadap Uni Eropa sebagai suatu kekuatan, sangat penting dalam menjaga stabilitas keamanan Benelux.

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This thesis aims to analyze the research question, why is the Benelux conducting security cooperation to strengthen the EU CFSP? How the Benelux supported the EU's policy in response to the Russian-Ukrainian war (2014-2022), as well as what approach the Benelux took to it. This research uses a qualitative method with descriptive analytics by analyzing data sourced from secondary data. This study used four levels of analysis of the theory of the Regional Security Complex by Barry Buzan and used the concept of cooperative security at each level of analysis. The findings of this study, the Benelux in supporting the EU CFSP in responding to the Russian-Ukrainian war have not been institutionally collective. The factor of domestic interests of the Benelux remains the consideration of each country. In addition, the Benelux's dependence on the European Union as a power, is very important in maintaining the security stability of the Benelux."

"This article attempts to identify and asses the weaknesses of the CFSP that have been inherently implicated in substantive and institutional limitations. Critical analysis on this particular issue becomes increasingly important, since the discourse on the CFSP in Indonesia is not well developed in the way that the very nature of the CFSP and its complexities are not properly understood. Having said that this article is particularly aimed at contributing to the development of the discourse on the CFSP in Indonesia. In analyzing this issue,it confines itself to the theoretical views assumed by realists because they would appropriately divulge and address the weaknesses of the CFSP. It also argues that the EU member states, despite their apparent enthusiasm for developing a truly CFSP, are reluctant to fully give up their national sovereignty over foreign and security policy. Since the CFSP can be only seen as reflection of the interests or EU Member States,it is very difficult to put any limits on the foreign policy initiatives of the member states, to shape their interests or bring them to stick to the common framework .In conclusion,this article suggests that all of these weaknesses are the underlying causes of the incapability of the EU to match today's global challenge."

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Balkan conflict caused by the dissolution of Sosialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in 1990 which brought about various conflicts both inter-states or interenal conflicts among states of fomrer Yugoslavia. As a region which is contiguous directly to European Union (EU), the existing conflicts in Balkan could influence political stability and security that is developed by EU as "an area of jreedom, security and justice". The solution effort of Balkan conflicts carried out by EU as one of its ideas materialization to unifly Europe in one solid and strong institution European Union.

EU?s policy in solving the conflicts in Balkan region mentioned in Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), namely (i) strengthening "security building" as an effort to prevent conflict and enforcing regional stability by facilitating peaceful and constitutional agreements both through diplomacy or sending peace-keeping forces; and (ii) strengthening ?ins!itution building" or development economic aids with a view to creating an efficient policy-making in line with EU?s standards, with laying agenda of pre-access Balkan region into EU.

It is undeniable that the susceptibility of Balkan region mainly caused by its brittleness of political situation owing to the fall of communism which ended the cold war in 1990 and hardening the existed ethnic conflicts in the region. Dark history of inter-ethnic conflicts brought about by the existing copious ethnicities nationalism led to tragedy of ?ethnic cleansing" in Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovia by Yugoslav ruler. lt was depicting how strong the situation and condition with nuance of "ethnopolirics " in Balkan region.

At the outset, EU regarded that the Balkan conflicts as domestic regional problem which may solved by its own region. However, for the sake of regional stability and security, EU was urged to take part more actively in the solution of Balkan conflict. Through CFSP, EU was demanded to be able to settle Balkan conflicts comprehensively through ?secw-ity and development? (soft politics) and ?de_nends? (hard politics) policies. Notwithstanding, the solution of various conflicts faced by Balkan states still leit problems which any time can come up and become new conflicts that EU will cope with the future."

"Penelitian ini membahas mengenai integrasi pasar saham negara kawasan Uni Eropa, NAFTA dan Asia. Pasar saham yang menjadi objek penelitian adalah Inggris, Perancis, Jerman, Amerika Serikat, Kanada, Meksiko, Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapura, Filipina, Thailand, Hongkong, China, Jepang dan Korea Selatan. Periode penelitian dari Januari 2008 sampai Desember 2016. Metode yang digunakan adalah uji akar unit, uji kointegrasi, Vector Autoregressive (VAR), Impulse Responses Function dan uji kausalitas Granger. Hasilnya menunjukkan bahwa pasar saham Amerika Serikat dan China memiliki pengaruh yang besar dibandingkan dengan pasar saham lain.

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This study examines the integration of European Union, Nafta and Asia stock markets. These countries include, England, France, German, USA, Canada, Mexico, Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, Phillipines, Thailand, Hongkong, China, Japan and South of Korea peiod starting from January 2008 to December 2016. Unit root, Co-integration test, Vector Autoregressive (VAR), Impulse Responses Function and Granger Causality Test are employed. The results showed that USA and China stock markets have significant impact with others stock market."

"Tesis ini berfokus pada fenomena keluarnya Ingris dari Uni Eropa Brexit . Dalam fenomena ini terjadi persaingan diskursif antara Remain vs Leave. Penelitian ini menggunakan teori pemosisian dengan asumsi dasar bahwa diskursus adalah variabel utama yang disosialisasikan oleh agen sehingga menjadi sebuah realita sosial. Kemenangan diskursif ditentukan dalam tiga variabel kelayakan: Kelayakan Referensi, Kelayakan Sistemik dan Kelayakan Sosial. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode process tracing dan telaah wacana untuk melihat proses deepening Inggris ke Uni Eropa.. Hasil dari penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa persaingan diskursif ini dimenangkan oleh agen yaitu kelompok leave yang menginterpretasikan bahwa identias nasional Inggris tidak kompatibel dengan identitas Uni Eropa dan memunculkan kegagalan proses deepening pada integrasi Inggris dengan Uni Eropa. Meskipun secara kuantitatif diskursus kelompok remain lebih unggul sampai periode sebelum referendum variabel kelayakan referensi , namun pada akhirnya kelompok leave secara kelayakan sistemik lebih dapat mendistribusikan diskursusnya untuk menjangkau ke masyarakat. Dalam variabel kelayakan sosial, kelompok leave juga lebih unggul karena diskursusnya lebih dapat diterima di masyarakat. Penelitian ini menyumbang pada studi tentang regionalisme yang memberikan pemahaman bahwa dinamika yang terjadi dalam institusi regional tidak hanya bisa meluas expand , tetapi juga bisa menyusut shrink . Isu Brexit menjadi penting karena belum pernah ada negara mengambil sikap untuk keluar dari institusi maju seperti Uni Eropa.

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This thesis focuses on the phenomenon of Britain leaving the European Union Brexit. The phenomenon refers to the discursive competition between the two parties Remain vs. Leave. This research uses positioning theory with the basic assumption that discourse is the main variable which is socialized by agent and it transcends into a social reality. Discursive victory itself is determined in three eligibility indicators Referential Adequacy, Systematic Adequacy and Social Adequacy. This research applies process tracing and discourse analysis method to examine the deepening process of UK to the European Union. The result of this study indicates that the discursive competition won by the agent of the Leave group which interpreted UK national identity was not compatible with the EU identity and led to the failure of a deepening process on British integration to the EU. Quantitatively, based on the Referential Adequacy indicator, the discourse of the Remain group is higher than the Leave group especially in the final weekend before the referendum. However, based on Systematic Adequacy indicator, the Leave group is more successful in distributing its discourse to reach out to the people. Last, the Leave group is also winning because based on Social Adequacy indicator the discourse is more acceptable in society. This research contributes to the study of regionalism which provides an understanding that the dynamics within regional institutions not only can expand, but also shrink. The issue of brexit is important, because no country has ever taken the stance to get out of an advanced institution like the European Union. "

"Penelitian tentang Brexit ini akan fokus pada pertahanan dan keamanan bagi Inggris dan Uni Eropa (UE). Peran Inggris Raya sangat besar di sektor pertahanan dan keamanan, selain Jerman dan Perancis. Namun, berdasarkan referendum 2016, Inggris Raya memilih keluar dari keanggotaannya di UE.  Metode penelitian akan menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan menggunakan sumber data primer dan sekunder yang diperoleh langsung dari website resmi UE dan data sekunder berupa kajian pustaka, website, journal militer dan wawancara dengan perusahaan-perusahan pendukung Alat Utama Sistem Senjata (alutsita). Kualitatif adalah sebuah metode yang fokus pada deep observation. Oleh sebab itu, penggunaannya dalam penelitian ini diharapkan mempu menghasilkan sebuah kajian terhadap fenomena dengan lebih komprehensif. Penelitian ini dianalisis menggunakan Teori Regional Security Complex (TRSC), milik Barry Buzan & Ole Waver dan Teori Security Dilemma (John H. Herz). TRSC ini digunakan untuk menganalisa potensi ancaman keamanan dan pertahanan di kawasan UE. Sedangkan, Teori Security Dilemma digunakan untuk menganalisis antisipasi Inggris dalam sektor pertahanan dan keamanan. Diharapkan dapat ditemukan maksud Inggris keluar dari UE dan antisipasinya dalam sektor pertahanan dan keamanan. Penelitian ini telah berhasil merangkum tindakan dan antisipasi pemerintah UK dalam menghadapi Brexit dan membuat gambaran umum Langkah-langkah UE tanpa Inggris.

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This research on Brexit will focus on defense and security for the UK and the European Union (EU). Great Britain has a very large role in the defense and security sector, in addition to Germany and France. However, based on the 2016 referendum, the UE opted out of membership in the EU. The research will use qualitative methods by using data primary and secunder sources obtained directly from the official website of the EU and secondary data in the form of literature reviews, as well as websites, military journals, and interviews with several companies supporting the Main Tools Weapon System. Qualitative is a method with a foucus on in-depth observation. Therefoe, the use of this reseach can result in a more comprehensvise study of a phenomenon, especially the observation of phenomena. This research was analyzed using Regional Security Complex Theory (Barry Buzan & Ole Waver) and Security Dilemma Theory (John H. Herz). Regional Security theory is used to analyze potential threats to the security and defense of the European Union. Meanwhile, the Security Dilemma Theory is used to analyze the UK’s anticipation in the defense and security sector. It is hoped that the UK’s intention to leave the EU can be found and its anticipation in the defense and security sector. This research has succeeded in summarizing the actions and anticipations of the UK government in the face of Brexit and creating an overview of the EU's steps without UK."

"Tesis ini membahas tentang kajian strategi Hungaria dalam hubungannya dengan Rusia pada konteks sanksi Uni Eropa terhadap Rusia. Sanksi tersebut diperpanjang berkali-kali sampai Juli 2020. Penelitian ini menggunakan konsep keamanan energi dan teori diplomasi energi melalui perspektif state dan non-state actor untuk menganalisis isu tersebut. Penelitian ini menggunakan mix methods dengan desain triangulasi konkuren yang menggunakan studi pustaka, literatur, dokumentasi atau observasi yang dibatasi oleh rentan waktu adanya sanksi Uni Eropa kepada Rusia. Penelitian ini menemukan 4 faktor keamanan energi Hungaria yang menjadi alasan kuat mengapa bekerjasama dengan Rusia ditengah sanksi Uni Eropa. Selain itu, Penelitian ini juga mengungkapkan peran penting Perusahaan milik Rusia dalam menyukseskan keberhasilan kerjasama dalam sektor energi. Faktor kerjasama keamanan energi dapat mempererat hubungan baik antara Hungaria dengan Rusia ditengah konflik sanksi Uni Eropa. Penelitian ini dilakukan untuk melihat bagaimana eratnya hubungan antara Hungaria dengan Rusia di era sekarang serta hubungannya Uni Eropa sebagai anggota sejak 2004. Selain itu, penelitian ini juga melihat kebijakan Hungaria dalam mendiversifikasi keamanan energi negaranya untuk kepentingan serta contoh pola kebijakan untuk negara eropa lainnya.

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This thesis discusses the study of Hungary's strategy in relation to Russia in the context of European Union sanctions against Russia. The sanctions were extended several times until July 2020. This study uses the concept of energy security and energy diplomacy theory through the perspective of state and non-state actors. This study uses mixed-methods with concurrent triangulation design that uses literature studies, literature, documentation, or observations that are limited by the timeframe of the EU sanctions against Russia. This study finds 4 factors of Hungarian energy security which are strong reasons for cooperating with Russia in the midst of European Union sanctions. In addition, this study also reveals the important role of Russian-owned companies in the success of cooperation in the energy sector. The energy security cooperation factor can strengthen good relations between Hungary and Russia amid the European Union sanctions conflict. This study was conducted to see how close the relationship between Hungary and Russia is in the present era and the relationship between the European Union as a member since 2004. In addition, this study also looks at Hungary's policy in diversifying its country's energy security for the benefit and examples of policy patterns for other European countries."

"Tesis ini meneliti bagaimana liputan media tentang krisis imigran di Italia dan Spanyol memengaruhi proses decision-making kebijakan penanganan imigran kedua negara tersebut. Tesis ini memiliki dua tujuan penelitian: (1) menjelaskan bagaimana media Italia dan Spanyol melakukan representasi diskursif aktor-aktor politik dalam krisis imigran di negara mereka dan (2) menelaah hubungan antara representasi aktor-aktor politik tersebut dan proses pengambilan keputusan (decision-making) kebijakan penanganan imigran di negaranya masing-masing. Menerapkan teori analisis wacana kritis sosiosemantik Theo van Leeuwen dan pendekatan konstruktivisme Alexander Wendt, publikasi daring dua surat kabar terbesar Italia (Corriere della Sera, La Repubblica) dan Spanyol (El País, El Mundo) antara tahun 2014 dan 2016 dianalisis. Hasil analisis menunjukkan bahwa representasi diskursif aktor-aktor politik dalam masing-masing surat kabar mencerminkan kecenderungan ideologis mereka, di mana pemberitaan cenderung menekankan perbedaan antara “kita” (Uni Eropa dan pemerintah) dan “mereka” (para pencari suaka) serta meniadakan kemanusiaan para pencari suaka. Kecenderungan ideologis dari representasi aktor-aktor politik keempat surat kabar itu sendiri merupakan cerminan bagaimana Italia dan Spanyol memandang krisis imigran Eropa sebagai ancaman terhadap identitas nasional mereka. Dengan bantuan media massa, Italia dan Spanyol melakukan sekuritisasi terhadap krisis imigran Eropa untuk “membujuk publik agar setuju” mengambil tindakan-tindakan yang tegas, ekstrem, dan terkadang melanggar hukum dalam menghadapi ketidakstabilan dan ketidakpastian krisis. Selain itu, dalam konteks integrasi Eropa, konflik “kita” versus “mereka” menjadi sebuah bukti akan kurangnya solidaritas di antara negara-negara anggota dan naiknya kepopuleran populisme serta nasionalisme individu, sehingga hal ini mengundang pertanyaan mengenai rapuhnya Uni Eropa sebagai proyek integrasi.

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This thesis investigates how media coverage of the European refugee crisis in Italy and Spain influences policymakers’ decisions on how to deal with asylum seekers and refugees in both countries. Two research objectives are outlined as the foundation of the thesis: (1) to explain how political actors in the refugee crisis are represented in the Italian and Spanish press, and (2) to investigate the relationship between the political actors’ discursive representations and their countries’ immigration policy decision-making process. Online publications about the European refugee crisis from two mainstream news agencies in Italy (Corriere della Sera, La Repubblica) and Spain (El País, El Mundo) between 2014 and 2016 are analyzed using Theo van Leeuwen’s sociosemantic approach of critical discourse analysis and Alexander Wendt’s constructivist approach. The findings of the thesis reveal that each newspaper’s discursive representations of political actors are in accordance to their ideological tendencies, with the news emphasizing the divide between “us” (the European Union and the government) and “them” (asylum seekers) and erasing asylum seekers’ humanity. The ideological tendencies in the four newspapers’ representation of political actors reveal how Italy and Spain perceive the European refugee crisis as a danger to their national identity. With the help of mass media, Italy and Spain securitize the European refugee crisis in order to “persuade the public to consent” to take bold, radical, and sometimes law-breaking measures in dealing with the crisis’ instability and uncertainty. In addition, the “us” against “them” conflict in the context of European integration reflects a lack of cooperation among member states, as well as the rising appeal of populism and individual nationalism, creating concerns about the European Union’s viability as an integration project."

"Tulisan ini menganalisis cakupan kewajiban penyelenggaraan sistem elektronik secara aman terhadap AI berdasarkan ketentuan UU ITE. Tulisan ini disusun dengan menggunakan metode penelitian doktrinal. AI karena secara konstruksi sistemnya termasuk pada sistem elektronik. Saat ini, Indonesia belum memiliki regulasi yang spesifik mengatur mengenai AI, sehingga ketentuan mengenai keamanan AI juga merujuk kembali pada ketentuan keamanan sistem elektronik. Berbeda dengan Uni Eropa yang telah meregulasi sistem AI dan juga keamanan sistem AI melalui EU AI Act. Uni Eropa telah mengatur mengenai apa yang dimaksud dengan sistem AI dan subjek-subjek hukum terkait AI, seperti AI provider, AI deployer, dan AI office, serta satu ketentuan pengujian, yaitu testing in real-world conditions. Dalam konstruksinya AI sebagai sistem elektronik, hal tersebut merupakan solusi hukum di Indonesia yang dapat digunakan untuk menjamin keamanan sistem AI. Akan tetapi, definisi sistem elektronik dalam Pasal 1 angka 5 UU ITE belum mencakup sistem AI secara penuh. Pendefinisian AI di Indonesia masih merujuk pada suatu sistem prosedur elektronik dan tidak merujuk tentang kemampuan AI dalam beroperasi. Perbandingan kewajiban para subjek hukum terkait keamanan telah terlihat dari subjek hukum yang telah didefinisikan secara jelas di Uni Eropa. Kewajiban berdasarkan kontribusi atas sistem AI atas risiko dan modelnya, sehingga dibebankan lebih banyak kepada AI provider dan AI deployer yang termasuk dalam subjek yang mengoperasikan sistem AI. EU AI Act yang memfasilitasi pengujian sistem AI melalui testing in real-world conditions belum diadopsi dalam sistem hukum Indonesia. Belum adanya dukungan regulasi yang memadai untuk tahap pengujian sistem AI di Indonesia, tetapi terdapat ketentuan uji kelaikan yang memiliki kemiripan terbatas dengan konsep testing in real-world conditions.

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This paper analyzes the scope of obligations to operate electronic system securely with regard to AI based on the provisions of the ITE Law. This paper employs doctrinal legal research. AI is included in electronic system due to its structural design. Currently, Indonesia does not have specific regulations governing AI, so provisions regarding AI security also refer back to provisions on electronic system security. This contrasts with the European Union, which has regulated AI system and AI system security through the EU AI Act. The EU has defined what constitutes an AI system and the legal entities related to AI, such as AI providers, AI deployers, and AI offices, as well as a testing requirement, namely testing in real-world conditions. Given that AI is constructed as an electronic system, this could serve as a legal solution in Indonesia to ensure AI system security. However, the definition of electronic system in Article 1(5) of the ITE Law does not fully encompass AI system. The definition of AI in Indonesia still refers to an electronic procedure system and does not address AI's operational capabilities. A comparison of the obligations of legal entities related to security is evident from the clearly defined legal entities in the European Union. Obligations based on contributions to AI system in terms of risk and models are therefore placed more heavily on AI providers and AI deployers who are included in the subjects operating AI system. The EU AI Act, which facilitates the testing of AI system through testing in real-world conditions, has not yet been adopted in the Indonesian legal system. There is currently no adequate regulatory support for the testing phase of AI system in Indonesia, but there are provisions for suitability testing that have limited similarities with the concept of testing in real-world conditions."