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Nurning Agusriyanti Naris
"Tesis ini merupakan kajian antropologi politik pedesaan yang menjelaskan tentang komunitas muda bernama komunitas pemuda desa. komunitas ini berada di Desa Gusri Kecamatan Wonomulyo Kabupaten Polewali Mandar Sulawesi Barat. Pada pemilihan kepala desa di awal tahun 2022 komunitas ini menunjuk satu perwakilan untuk menjadi salah satu kandidat. Melalui social capital yang di miliki pemuda mereka jadikan kekuatan untuk meredam feodalisme, polarisasi dan politik uang dalam bursa pemilihan kepala desa. Pada penulisan tesis ini, penulis melakukan fieldwork mulai dari pertengahan tahun 2022 hingga awal tahun 2023 dengan menggunakan metode etnografi. Komunitas Komunitas pemuda desa menjadi subjek penelitian dengan analasis kritis teori Bourdie tentang social capital terutama kinship in capital pada sosok kandidat kuat pemilihan kepala desa dan teori power Wolf dalam melihat seberapa besar kekuatan yang harus dihadapi dan dimiliki sebagai tantangan dan upaya komunitas muda di desa. Dari kasus tesis ini, kita dapat melihat bagaimana masyarakat desa memaknai kekuatan dari social capital. Komunitas pemuda desa dan tiap kandidat pemilihan kepala desa. Pemaknaan ini tidak sebatas pada nilai uang dari money politik para kandidat tapi juga makna pembaharuan untuk mengatasi tapi juga menggambarkan pemaknaan pemuda yang membawa satu perubahan terkait karakter kandidat, loyalitas, jaringan sosial akhirnya melemah.  

This thesis is an anthropological study of rural politics that describes a young community called the village youth union. This community is located in GusriVillage, Wonomulyo District, Polewali Mandar Regency, West Sulawesi. In the village head election in early 2022, this community appointed a representative to be one of the candidates. Through social capital owned by youth, they make the power to reduce feudalism, polarization and money politics in the village head election market. In writing this thesis, the author conducted fieldwork from mid-2022 to early 2023 using ethnographic methods. The Village Youth Union community became the subject of research with a critical analysis of Bourdie's theory of social capital, especially kinship in capital in the figure of a strong candidate for the village head election and Wolf's power theory in seeing how much power must be faced and owned as a challenge and effort of the young community in the village. From the case of this thesis, we can see how the villagers interpret the power of the social capital of the Village Youth Union and each candidate for the village head election. This interpretation is not limited to the value of money from the candidates' political money but also the meaning of renewal to overcome but also describes the meaning of youth who bring one change related to the character of the candidate, loyalty, social networks eventually weakened."
Depok: Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Indonesia, 2023
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UI - Tesis Membership  Universitas Indonesia Library
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Hendro Pratomo
"Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengevaluasi efektivitas tindak lanjut rekomendasi BPK di Kabupaten Polewali Mandar menggunakan kerangka ISSAI 12 Value and Benefit dengan menekankan peran serta stakeholder. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dengan metode studi kasus. Pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan wawancara semi terstruktur kepada pejabat yang ada dalam Tim TLHP dan dokumentasi dalam proses penyelesaian tindak lanjut. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan adanya permasalahan yang meliputi tindak lanjut belum sesuai rekomendasi dan rekomendasi yang tidak dapat ditindaklanjuti sehingga berdampak terhadap rendahnya tingkat penyelesaian tindak lanjut.  Dengan menerapkan konsep value and benefit yang melibatkan pemangku kepentingan, penelitian ini dapat memberikan manfaat kepada Pemerintah Kabupaten Polewali Mandar dalam menyelesaikan tindak lanjut rekomendasi LHP BPK.

This study aims to evaluate the effectiveness of following up BPK recommendations in Polewali Mandar District using the ISSAI 12 Value and Benefit framework by emphasizing stakeholder participation. This research uses a qualitative approach with a case study method. Data collection was carried out using semi-structured interviews with officials in the TLHP Team and documentation in the follow-up completion process. The results of the study indicated that there were problems which included follow-up not according to recommendations and recommendations that could not be followed up, which resulted in a low level of follow-up completion. By applying the concept of value and benefit involving stakeholders this research can provide benefits to the Polewali Mandar District Government in completing the follow-up of BPK's LHP recommendations."
Jakarta: Fakultas Ekonomi dan Bisnis Universitas Indonesia, 2022
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UI - Tesis Membership  Universitas Indonesia Library
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Roberto Salu Situru
"[ABSTRAK
Penelitian ini hendak mengetahui perkembangan bosisme lokal di
Indonesia pada era desentralisasi. Penelitian akan terfokus pada kemunculan
Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar sebagai bos lokal serta penguatan jaringan
yang ia lakukan. Peneliti menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan pendekatan
wawancara mendalam, observasi dan pengumpulan dokumen. Teori yang
digunakan dalam penelitian ini yaitu teori mengenai orang kuat lokal, teori
mengenai bossisme lokal, teori dinasti politik dan teori mengenai hubungan
patron-klien.
Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa kemunculan Muhammad Andi Ali
Baal Masdar sebagai bos lokal dimulai sejak ia menduduki jabatan bupati. Selain
itu, melemahnya kontrol DPRD Polewali Mandar turut mempermudah
langkahnya untuk menjadi bos lokal. Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar
melakukan money politics atau political buying untuk mempertahankan
kekuasaannya. Kekuatan politik Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar didukung
Partai Golkar dan Partai Gerindra di Polewali Mandar. Ia juga merangkul
kalangan agamawan, jurnalis/pers lokal, jaringan birokrasi, hingga para
pengusaha lokal dalam memperkuat kekuasaannya. Status kebangsawanan
Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar menjadi modal sosial di tengah masyarakat
Mandar yang bersifat patrimodial, hal ini semakin meperkuat eksistensinya
sebagai bos lokal di Polewali Mandar. Selain itu, Muhammad Andi Ali Baal
Masdar juga mempunyai modal ekonomi yang kuat, ia di kenal sebagai keluarga
yang kaya raya dan kontrol terhadap sumber-sumber ekonomi berupa proyek
pemerintah.
Implikasi teori memperlihatkan bahwa kekuasaan Muhammad Andi Ali
Baal Masdar tidak sepenuhnya memenuhi kriteria yang dimaksud dalam teori
local strongmen atau local bossism. Salah satu kriteria yang tidak terpenuhi ialah
penggunaan kekerasan, intimidasi terhadap lawan politiknya. Akan tetapi, hal ini
tidak mengugurkan keberadaan Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar sebagai bos
lokal karena kekuasaan yang dimiliki sudah membentuk dinasti polit;This research seek to understand the development of local bosism in
Indonesia during the decentralization era. The research will focus on the emerge
of Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar as local boss as well as his strengthening of
the the network he conducted. This research was applying qualitative method
with deep interview approach, observation and documents collecting. The Theory
used in this research was a theory concerning local strong person, theory
concerning local bossism, political dynasty theory and theory concerning
patronge-client.
The research result shows that the arising of Muhammad Andi Ali Baal
Masdar as local boss began since he was appointed as Head of Regency (Bupati).
Beside that, the weakening of control on Polewali Mandar Regional
Representative (DPRD) contributed facilitating his steps to become a local bos.
Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar conducted money politics or political buying to
defense his power. Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar?s political power was
supported by Golkar Party and Gerindra Party in Polewali Mandar. He also
embraced religious prominent, journalists/local pers, bureaucrat network, until
local businessman in strengthening his power. The nobility status of Muhammad
Andi Ali Baal Masdar became a social capital among Mandar community which
having patrimodial nature, this strengthened his existeance as local bos in
Polewali Mandar. Beside that, Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar also had a
strong economical capital, he was prominent as a rich and welthy family and has
a control on economical resources such as government projects.
The theory implication shows that the power of Muhammad Andi Ali Baal
Masdar did not meet the criteria mentioned in the teori local strongmen theory or
local bossism. One of the criteria which did not met was the using of strength,
intimidation to the opposite politicians. But, this did not vanishing the existance of
Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar as local boss since the power he owed had
established a political dynasty supporting by three elements politicians,
bureaucration, and businessman.;This research seek to understand the development of local bosism in
Indonesia during the decentralization era. The research will focus on the emerge
of Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar as local boss as well as his strengthening of
the the network he conducted. This research was applying qualitative method
with deep interview approach, observation and documents collecting. The Theory
used in this research was a theory concerning local strong person, theory
concerning local bossism, political dynasty theory and theory concerning
patronge-client.
The research result shows that the arising of Muhammad Andi Ali Baal
Masdar as local boss began since he was appointed as Head of Regency (Bupati).
Beside that, the weakening of control on Polewali Mandar Regional
Representative (DPRD) contributed facilitating his steps to become a local bos.
Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar conducted money politics or political buying to
defense his power. Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar?s political power was
supported by Golkar Party and Gerindra Party in Polewali Mandar. He also
embraced religious prominent, journalists/local pers, bureaucrat network, until
local businessman in strengthening his power. The nobility status of Muhammad
Andi Ali Baal Masdar became a social capital among Mandar community which
having patrimodial nature, this strengthened his existeance as local bos in
Polewali Mandar. Beside that, Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar also had a
strong economical capital, he was prominent as a rich and welthy family and has
a control on economical resources such as government projects.
The theory implication shows that the power of Muhammad Andi Ali Baal
Masdar did not meet the criteria mentioned in the teori local strongmen theory or
local bossism. One of the criteria which did not met was the using of strength,
intimidation to the opposite politicians. But, this did not vanishing the existance of
Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar as local boss since the power he owed had
established a political dynasty supporting by three elements politicians,
bureaucration, and businessman., This research seek to understand the development of local bosism in
Indonesia during the decentralization era. The research will focus on the emerge
of Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar as local boss as well as his strengthening of
the the network he conducted. This research was applying qualitative method
with deep interview approach, observation and documents collecting. The Theory
used in this research was a theory concerning local strong person, theory
concerning local bossism, political dynasty theory and theory concerning
patronge-client.
The research result shows that the arising of Muhammad Andi Ali Baal
Masdar as local boss began since he was appointed as Head of Regency (Bupati).
Beside that, the weakening of control on Polewali Mandar Regional
Representative (DPRD) contributed facilitating his steps to become a local bos.
Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar conducted money politics or political buying to
defense his power. Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar’s political power was
supported by Golkar Party and Gerindra Party in Polewali Mandar. He also
embraced religious prominent, journalists/local pers, bureaucrat network, until
local businessman in strengthening his power. The nobility status of Muhammad
Andi Ali Baal Masdar became a social capital among Mandar community which
having patrimodial nature, this strengthened his existeance as local bos in
Polewali Mandar. Beside that, Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar also had a
strong economical capital, he was prominent as a rich and welthy family and has
a control on economical resources such as government projects.
The theory implication shows that the power of Muhammad Andi Ali Baal
Masdar did not meet the criteria mentioned in the teori local strongmen theory or
local bossism. One of the criteria which did not met was the using of strength,
intimidation to the opposite politicians. But, this did not vanishing the existance of
Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar as local boss since the power he owed had
established a political dynasty supporting by three elements politicians,
bureaucration, and businessman.]"
2014
T43210
UI - Tesis Membership  Universitas Indonesia Library
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Zulkifli Abdullah
"ABSTRAK
Tesis ini membahas kontestasi elit lokal dalam konflik pembentukan Kabupaten Mamasa dalam kerangka pemikiran Pierre Bourdieu tentang habitus, modal dan ranah (field). Dengan menggunakan metode kualitatif melalui studi kasus, penelitian ini mengkaji perpecahan internal elit Mandar dalam merespon kebijakan pemekaran daerah melalui penetapan Undang-Undang nomor 11 tahun 2002 tentang pembentukan Kabupaten Mamasa, yang berimplikasi terhadap lahirnya konflik horozontal pada masyarakat Aralle, Tabulahan, dan Mambi (ATM) di Kabupaten Mamasa. Hasil penelitian ini menyimpulkan bahwa para elit Mandar terpolarisasi ke dalam dua habitus kelompok politik, yaitu kelompok pro pemekaran dan kontra pemekaran. Habitus politik kelompok pro pembentukan Kabupaten Mamasa dilatari oleh kekuasaan atau kemandirian dalam mengelola pembangunan dan kesejahteraan di daerahnya. Sedangkan habitus politik kontra pemekaran Kabupaten Mamasa dilatari oleh upaya mempertahankan relasi etnisitas, keagamaan, dan pengalaman kesejarahan dengan penduduk Mandar. Kedua kelompok politik tersebut memaksimalkan kekuatan modal, baik sosial, ekonomi, budaya maupun simbolik, untuk bertarung memenangkan arena kontestasi pemekaran daerah. Akhirnya, melalui habitus dan kekuatan modal yang dominan, para elit politik pro pemekaran Mamasa berhasil memenangkan kontestasi dengan mempertahankan dan menyukseskan implementasi Undang-Undang Nomor 11 tahun 2002.

ABSTRACT
This thesis examines the contestation between local political elites over the establishment of the Mamasa Regency, through Pierre Bourdieu?s concepts of habitus, capital and field. Using a qualitative method with a case study approach, this research examines the internal schism among the elites of the Mandar ethnic group in responding to the regional expansion policy through the issuance of Law No. 11/2002 on the Establishment of the Mamasa Regency, which triggers a horizontal conflict in the Aralle, Tabulahan and Mambi (ATM) people in Mamasa regency. This research concludes that the elites of the Mandar ethnic group are polarized into two groups with differing political habitus, which respectively supports and opposes the regional expansion. The habitus of the group supporting the expansion is the seeking of ways to gain the power or independence to manage the region?s infrastructure and people development, whereas the habitus of group opposing the regional expansion is the seeking of ways to maintain ethnic relations as well as preserve religious and historical experiences with the Mandar people. Both political groups utilized various capitals (social, economic, cultural and symbolic) to achieve their respective goals in the arena of political contestation. Ultimately, through powerful habitus and dominant capitals, the pro-regional expansion group succeeded in maintaining the regional expansion and implemented the Law No. 11/2002 on the Establishment of the Mamasa Regency."
2016
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UI - Tesis Membership  Universitas Indonesia Library
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Febrianto Syam
"[ABSTRAK
Tesis ini menggambarkan tentang modal sosial dan strategi yang digunakan
kelima Anggota legislatif perempuan terpilih di Sulawesi Selatan. Latar belakang
penulisan yaitu berawal dari fakta yang dilihat dari hasil pemilu tahun 2014
khususnya Provinsi Sulawesi Selatan dimana dari lima Anggota legislatif
perempuan yang terpilih merupakan keluarga dari para penguasa yang ada di
daerah tersebut meskipun dalam pertarungan perebutan kursi DPR RI, terdapat
banyak calon perempuan yang juga berasal dari kalangan aktivis perempuan.
Dengan metode kualitatif, hasil yang diperoleh yaitu modal sosial yang dimiliki
oleh masing-masing Anggota legislatif perempuan yang terpilih menjadi kunci
mereka untuk terlibat dalam pencalonan pada pemilu 2014 silam. Faktorfaktornya
adalah pertama, karena kelima Anggota legislatif perempuan terpilih
merupakan keluarga dari penguasa di daerah Sulawesi Selatan, maka dengan
mudah dukungan birokrasi diberikan kepada mereka. Kedua, adanya beberapa
bentuk kecurangan seperti money politics serta bentuk pelanggaran pemilu guna
memenangkan kelimanya menyebabkan mereka berhasil memperoleh suara yang
signifikan di daerah dimana keluarga mereka berkuasa.

ABSTRACT
This thesis describes social capital and strategies used five female legislators elected in South Sulawesi Background of writing that originated from the fact that seen from the election results in 2014 especially South Sulawesi province where five legislators of elected women is the family of rulers in the area despite the fight for the seat of Parliament there are many female candidates are also come from women activists With qualitative methods the results obtained by the social capital which is owned by their respective legislative Members woman to be elected to key them to be involved in the nomination of the 2014 elections ago The factors is the first as the fifth legislative Members elected women is the family of the ruler in the area of South Sulawesi it can easily support given to their bureaucracy Second the existence of some form of fraud such as money politics as well as the violation of the election in order to win his fifth cause they managed to gain a significant voice in the area where their families in power ;This thesis describes social capital and strategies used five female legislators elected in South Sulawesi Background of writing that originated from the fact that seen from the election results in 2014 especially South Sulawesi province where five legislators of elected women is the family of rulers in the area despite the fight for the seat of Parliament there are many female candidates are also come from women activists With qualitative methods the results obtained by the social capital which is owned by their respective legislative Members woman to be elected to key them to be involved in the nomination of the 2014 elections ago The factors is the first as the fifth legislative Members elected women is the family of the ruler in the area of South Sulawesi it can easily support given to their bureaucracy Second the existence of some form of fraud such as money politics as well as the violation of the election in order to win his fifth cause they managed to gain a significant voice in the area where their families in power ;This thesis describes social capital and strategies used five female legislators elected in South Sulawesi Background of writing that originated from the fact that seen from the election results in 2014 especially South Sulawesi province where five legislators of elected women is the family of rulers in the area despite the fight for the seat of Parliament there are many female candidates are also come from women activists With qualitative methods the results obtained by the social capital which is owned by their respective legislative Members woman to be elected to key them to be involved in the nomination of the 2014 elections ago The factors is the first as the fifth legislative Members elected women is the family of the ruler in the area of South Sulawesi it can easily support given to their bureaucracy Second the existence of some form of fraud such as money politics as well as the violation of the election in order to win his fifth cause they managed to gain a significant voice in the area where their families in power , This thesis describes social capital and strategies used five female legislators elected in South Sulawesi Background of writing that originated from the fact that seen from the election results in 2014 especially South Sulawesi province where five legislators of elected women is the family of rulers in the area despite the fight for the seat of Parliament there are many female candidates are also come from women activists With qualitative methods the results obtained by the social capital which is owned by their respective legislative Members woman to be elected to key them to be involved in the nomination of the 2014 elections ago The factors is the first as the fifth legislative Members elected women is the family of the ruler in the area of South Sulawesi it can easily support given to their bureaucracy Second the existence of some form of fraud such as money politics as well as the violation of the election in order to win his fifth cause they managed to gain a significant voice in the area where their families in power ]"
2015
T45473
UI - Tesis Membership  Universitas Indonesia Library
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Vina Cahya Farhani
"Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis dan memahami perubahan prosedur dispensasi kawin setelah diterbitkannya Peraturan Mahkamah Agung (Perma) No. 5 Tahun 2019 serta implikasinya terhadap penetapan dispensasi kawin di Pengadilan Agama Polewali Mandar. Penelitian disusun dengan menggunakan metode doktrinal dengan studi kasus pada dua penetapan dispensasi kawin yang dipilih. Data diperoleh melalui studi dokumen dan wawancara dengan pihak terkait. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa Perma No. 5 Tahun 2019 memberikan pedoman yang lebih ketat dalam proses permohonan dispensasi kawin, dengan tujuan untuk melindungi hak anak dan mengurangi angka pernikahan usia dini. Studi kasus pada Penetapan Nomor 1/Pdt.P/2023/PA.Pwl dan Nomor 121/Pdt.P/2024/PA.Pwl mengungkapkan adanya peningkatan tuntutan pembuktian bagi pemohon dispensasi serta peran aktif hakim dalam menggali alasan dan urgensi permohonan. Penetapan dalam kedua kasus tersebut mencerminkan penerapan Perma No. 5 Tahun 2019 yang lebih detail dan berorientasi pada perlindungan kepentingan terbaik anak. Perma No. 5 Tahun 2019 berpengaruh signifikan terhadap proses dan hasil putusan dispensasi kawin di Pengadilan Agama Polewali Mandar, dengan adanya penekanan pada aspek perlindungan anak dan kepentingan terbaik anak sebagai prioritas utama.

The objective of this study is to examine the changes in marriage dispensation procedures that took place after the issuance of Supreme Court Regulation (Perma) No. 5 of 2019 and its implications for the determination of marriage dispensation in the Polewali Mandar Religious Court. The research was prepared using the doctrinal method with case studies on two selected marriage dispensation decisions. Data were obtained through document studies and interviews with relevant parties. The findings indicate that Perma No. 5 of 2019 introduces stricter guidelines for the marriage dispensation application process, aimed at safeguarding children's rights and reducing the incidence of early marriages. Case studies of Stipulations No. 1/Pdt.P/2023/PA.Pwl and No. 121/Pdt.P/2024/PA.Pwl reveal an increase in evidentiary requirements for dispensation applicants and the active role of judges in exploring the reasons and urgency of the application. The stipulations in both cases reflect a more thorough application of Perma No. 5/2019 and prioritize the protection of the child's best interests.. Perma No. 5/2019 has a significant effect on the process and outcome of marriage dispensation decisions at the Polewali Mandar Religious Court, with a focus on child protection and prioritizing the best interests of the child."
Depok: Fakultas Hukum Universitas Indonesia, 2024
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UI - Skripsi Membership  Universitas Indonesia Library
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Afifah Rizky Ramadhani
"ABSTRAK
Penelitian ini dilatar belakangi oleh kemenangan pasangan Irwan Prayitno dan Nasrul Abit pada Pemilihan Kepala Daerah Provinsi Sumatera Barat tahun 2015. Kemenangan pasangan Irwan Prayitno dan Nasrul Abit ini disebabkan oleh tiga faktor, yaitu faktor jaringan sosial, dukungan partai politik dan kepemimpinan Irwan Prayitno. Dalam melakukan analisis, penulis menggunakan konsep social capital oleh Robert Putnam, modal politik dan kepemimpinan. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan data primer dan data sekunder. Temuan penelitian memperlihatkan bahwa kemenangan pasangan Irwan Prayitno dan Nasrul Abit disebabkan oleh modal sosial dan politik yang kuat yang bersumber dari faktor jaringan sosial dan dukungan partai politik pengusungnya. Selain itu, Kepemimpinan yang ditampilkan oleh Irwan Prayitno mampu mendapatkan kepercayaan dari masyarakat sehingga memperkuat modal sosial yang dimiliki oleh Pasangan Irwan Prayitno dan Nasrul Abit.

ABSTRAK
This research is based on the case of Irwan Prayitno and Nasrul Abit who won The Local Leaders Election in West Sumatera in 2015. The victory of Irwan Prayitno and Nasrul Abit was caused by three factors, such as social networks, support of political parties and Irwan Prayitnos leadership. By conducting and analyzing this research, the author uses the concept of social capital by Robert Putnam, therefore supported by political capital and leadership theory. This study uses qualitative methods with primary and secondary data. The research shows that the triumph of Irwan Prayitno and Nasrul Abit were strongly influenced by social and political capital which is originated by social networks and the support of political parties. Morever, the leadership which is showed by Irwan Prayitno was able to gain trust from the community so as to strengthen the social capital owned by Irwan Prayitno and Nasrul Abit."
2019
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UI - Skripsi Membership  Universitas Indonesia Library
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Corry Soekotjo
"Adalah suatu kenyataan bahwa banyak caleg perempuan yang gagal dalam pemiliban dengan mekanisme suara terbanyak pada Pemilu 2014. Mencengangkan sekaligus mempribatinkan, karena tindakan afrrmasi terhadap caleg perempuan seakan "tidak berdaya" menghadapi suatu pemiliban langsung. Penelitian ini dibuat untuk mengetahui apa yang menyebabkan kekalahan tersebut. Apakah modal ekonomi, modal sosial dan modal politik berimbas terhadap keberhasilan caleg perempuan pada Pemilu 2014. Pendekatan yang digunakan adalah pendekatan kwalitatif berperspektif gender, dengan metode tekbnik pengumpulan data, melalui wawancara terfokus, observasi dan studi dokumen.
Temuan penelitian ini sebagai berikut; pertama, partai politik adalah penguasa tunggal dalam menentukan nomor urut maupun daerah pemiliban caleg; kedua, modal ekonomi caleg perempuan tidak sebesar caleg laki-laki kebanyakan didapat dari hasil sharing diantara anggota keluarga; ketiga, kekalahan caleg perempuan pada pemilu dengan mekanisme suara terbanyak lebib kepada ketidak pahaman mereka akan makna sebenarnya dari modal sosial, sehingga sebagian besar dari mereka teijebak pada kegiatan penggalangan pada tahapan seremonial; keempat, beban caleg perempuan lebib berat. Mereka harus terlebib dahulu menyelesaikan persoalan relasi kekuasaan dalam intern keluarga untuk mendapatkan ijin menjadi caleg bam kemudian "bertarung" menghadapi persaingan bebas pada pemiliban langsung di Pemilu 2014; kelima, para informan dapat menerima kekalahan mereka dengan legowo dan tidak "patah arang"keenam, seluruh caleg perempuan subjek penelitian ini menghendaki agar pemiliban kembali ke sistim nomor urut; ketujuh, caleg perempuan ada kesempatan untuk menang, jika mereka memaksimalkan kekuatan modal sosialnya.

It is the reality that many Indonesia woman candidates failed during the most votes system at last 2014 election.Flabbergast andalso be apprenhensive about the election, because avirmative action towards women candidates looks "helpless" confront the direct vote system. The objective of this study is to find out cause of their failure. Wether or not, financial capital, social capital, and political capital confront to the sucsesfullnes of woman candidates at the 2014 election. The research was based on qualitative approach with gender's perspektif, and applied data collecting technique by means of; observation, in depth interview, and document study.
The result of this research discovered that; first, Political Party is the sole decision maker for sequential number and electoral region, to parliamentary candidate; second, The amounts of financial capital ofWoman's candidates are less than man Usually they collect it together with the family; third, The failure of woman's candidates at the election, because they didn't understand about the true meaning of social capital, that's why most of them seems to be trapped at ceremonial activity; fourth, Women's candidates burden, heavier than man because as a candidate, firstly they have to solve their own problem concerning with the relation of power in their family.
They have to get their permission to be a candidate. Sothat they can fight through the direct vote election 2014; fifth , All the informant can receive their discomfiture, and they were not "charcoal broken"; sixth, All the informant prefer election with the sequential number; seventh, Woman's candidates still have chance to win, by maximize their social capital.
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Jakarta: Sekolah Kajian Stratejik dan Global Universitas Indonesia, 2015
T54729
UI - Tesis Membership  Universitas Indonesia Library
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