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"Disertasi ini membahas proses masuknya Purnawirawan TNI ke dalam politik dan kinerjanya setelah berada di dalam arena politik. Penelitian ini menduga bahwa dengan berperannya Purnawirawan TNI dalam kegiatan politik akan memberikan karakteristik baru pada pola relasi sipil-militer di Indonesia. Dalam menjelaskan fenomena ini penelitian menggunakan pendekatan jaringan Actor-Network Theory (ANT). Pendekatan ANT berfokus pada relasi performatif antara aktor dengan actant baik human actant maupun non-human actant. Kedua actant ini bertindak sebagai mediators (pengambil alih tindakan aktor). Penelusuran pendekatan ANT berusaha menggali suatu peristiwa secara riil dan detail. Metode Penelitian menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dengan teknik pengumpulan data wawancara mendalam, observasi, dan penggunaan data sekunder terkait.Hasil dan kesimpulan penelitian ini adalah, pertama, penelitian ini berfokus pada tiga aktor Purnawirawan TNI yang masuk ke ranah politik (informan kunci) dan relasinya dengan sekian banyak human actant (informan) dan non-human actant. Penelitian ini.setidaknya menelusuri enam (6) non-human actant yang menjadi mediators. Keenam non-human actant tersebut adalah: Partai Politik dan Kondisi Politik secara umum; Pembentukan Karakter TNI;Purnawirawan TNI sebagai Warga Sipil; Usia Pensiun, Orientasi Kekuasaan dan Kegiatan pasca Pensiun Purnawirawan TNI; Pengalaman Dwi Fungsi ABRI; dan Organisasi Purnawirawan TNI. Sebagian non-human actant ini menggambarkan temuan “motif idealis” yang melatarbelakangi Purnawirawan TNI masuk ke ranah politik. Selain itu, penelitian juga menemukan bahwa pada sebagian kecil Purnawirawan TNI berpolitik didasarkan pada “motif pragmatis”, seperti misalnya keinginan tetap berkuasa dan tujuan ekonomi. Tentang “motif pragmatis”, penelitian mengakui belum berhasil menggalinya secara lebih dalam, masih tergolong sebagai “background plasma” sebagaimana dikatakan oleh Pendekatan ANT. Penelitian juga menyimpulkan bahwa: 1) aktor Politisi Purnawirawan TNI yang berseberangan dengan rezim penguasa membentuk pilihan partai politik selain partai berkuasa; 2) pengelompokan Politisi Purnawirawan TNI mengikuti pola-pola tertentu; dan 3) terdapat beberapa bentuk partisipasi politik Politisi Purnawirawan TNI.Kedua, mengenai group formation relasi sipil-militer dan peran Politisi Purnawirawan TNI dalam konsolidasi demokrasi Indonesia, penelitianmenyimpulkan bahwa: 1) Politisi Purnawirawan TNI tidak dapat dikatakan mewakili kepentingan militer; 2) Politisi Purnawirawan TNI mampu menjadi jembatan komunikasi (connector) dan peredam konflik (arbitrator-mediator) Politisi Sipil dengan Militer; 3) komitmen Purnawirawan TNI pada konstitusi dan politik negara berperan positif dalam konsolidasi demokrasi. Ancaman konsolidasi demokrasi muncul justru dari lemahnya infrastruktur dan institusionalisasi demokrasi. Ketiga, mengenai sumbangsih Pendekatan ANT pada studi sosiologis relasi sipil-militer, menyimpulkan bahwa relasi sipil-militer dipandang sebagai agregasi dari relasi performatif berbagai aktor sehingga diperoleh gambaran riil & detail relasi sipil-militer. Berdasarkan cara pandang demikian, penelitian ini menyatakan bahwa karakteristik relasi sipil-militer di Indonesia is constantly made and remade, dapat terus berkembang. Pada saat penelitian ini dilakukan Politisi Purnawirawan TNI mampu menjadi jembatan komunikasi dan peredam konflik politisi sipil dengan militer. Keempat, modifikasi-kritik penelitian ini terhadap Pendekatan ANT adalah: penelitian ini memasukan non-human actant yang tidak terbatas hanya pada saat tindakan aktor diambil (critical moment), tidak sebatas kondisi “here and now ”, namun juga konteks kesejarahan/pengalaman (related past time) aktor (seperti Pembentukan Karakter TNI dan Pengalaman Dwi Fungsi ABRI), sebagaimana juga menjadi masukan Boyana Peric terhadap Pendekatan ANT.

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This dissertation examines the process of Retired Military (TNI) Personnels entering into practical politics and their performances after they are in the political arena. This research assumes that the role of Retired Military (TNI) Personnels in politics will provide new caracteristics in the pattern of civil-military relations in Indonesia. This phenomenon is explained by using the approach of Actor-Network Theory (ANT) which attempts to excavate an event with realness and detailness, based on the performative relations between actors (actant), human actant as well as non-human actant. The research methodology used is qualitative approach by excavating throughly the relational process between actors in the network. Data collection techniques used are interview, observation, and related secondary data source.

The result and conclusion of the research are as the following. First, there are 6 (six) non-human actants becoming mediators (change-taker of the actor’s steps of Retired Military into Politics). These six non-human actants consist of Establishment of TNI Characters; Political Party and Political Condition in General; Retired Military Personnel as Civil Citizen; Dual Functions of ABRI; Pension Age, Power Orientation and Activity after Pension of Retired Military Personnel; and Organization of Retired Military Personnel. Beside those six non-human actants which describe finding factor or ideal motive causing retired military personnel entering into politics, this research discovers a few retired military personnel joining politics based on pragmatic motive or factor, as a desire for constant authority and economic purpose. About this pragmatic motive or factor, the researcher admits unsuccessfully deep excavation, still classifying as “background plasma” as stated in the ANT approach. Moreover, the result research indicates as follow: 1) Conflict between actor of retired military and authoritarian regime sets up the option of political party against the ruling party; 2) Classification of retired military personnel follows certain patterns; 3) There are various forms of political participation of retired military personnel.

Second, group formation of civil-military relations and role of retired military personnel as politician in the consolidation of Indonesian democracy can be concluded as follow: retired military personnel as politician can not be stated to represent military interest; 2) Retired military personnel as politician has the capability to bridge the communication and to act as muting agent in political conflict between civil and military; 3) Commitment of retired military personnel to constitution and nation politics has positive role in democracy’s consolidation. The threat of democracy’s consolidation precisely emerges from the weakness of infrastructure and democracy institutionalization. Third, contribution of ANT Approach in sociological study of civil-military relations concludes as follow: 1) Civil-military relations are regarded as the aggregation of perfomative relations from various real actors so that it can provide real and detail description of civil-military relations. Based on that point of view, this research states that characteristics of civil-military relations is constantly made and remade. While conducting this research, retired military personnel as politician is able to bridge communication and to act as muting agent in political conflict between civil and military. Fourth, Review modification to ANT approach is that this research includes actant non-human not only in critical moment as restricted in here and now condition, but also the history/actor experience (the establishment of TNI characters and dual functions of ABRI) as responded from the review of Boyana Peric to the ANT approach."

"Di Indonesia, purnawirawan  militer dinilai menarik oleh partai politik karena dapat membantu meningkatkan dukungan terhadap partai politik dalam mendulang suara partai.  Seperti kasus di Lampung 1 memperlihatkan adanya pemanfaatan jaringan purnawirawan militer dalam pendulangan suara Partai Golkar dengan mencalonkan kandidat yang berasal dari kalangan purnawirawan militer. Penelitian ini berfokus untuk mengidentifikasi dan menganalisis bagaimana pemanfaatan modal sosial milik Letjen TNI (Purn) H. Lodewijk F. Paulus selaku purnawirawan militer di Pileg tahun 2019. Penelitian ini berlandaskan pada teori modal sosial milik Putnam (1995) yang mengacu kepada jaringan, kepercayaan, dan penerapan nilai/norma dalam proses perolehan suara. Penelitian ini berargumen bahwa selalu adanya ruang bagi purnawirawan militer di politik dipengaruhi oleh kepemilikan jaringan yang secara pasti dapat digunakan untuk menambah suara  yang dibutuhkan secara cepat. Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa terdapat interaksi antara internal partai, purnawirawan militer, dan kekuatan eksternal yang menciptakan penguatan dalam modal sosial seorang Letjen TNI (Purn) H. Lodewijk F. Paulus di kontestasi. Partai  Golkar yang turut memberi jabatan internal untuk Letjen TNI (Purn) H. Lodewijk F. Paulus yang semakin memperkuat kedudukannya di partai untuk menggunakan modal sosialnya. Kesimpulan yang didapat adalah kepemilikan modal Letjen TNI (Purn) H. Lodewijk F. Paulus dalam proses pendulangan suara dengan adanya bantuan rekan sejawat militer untuk berhasil memperoleh suara terbanyak di Lampung I.

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In Indonesia, retired military officers are considered attractive by political parties because they can help increase support for political parties in gaining votes. For example, the case in Lampung 1 shows that the network of retired military officers was utilized in gaining votes for the Golkar Party by nominating candidates from among retired military officers. This research focuses on identifying and analyzing how the social capital of Lt. Gen. TNI (ret.) H. Lodewijk F. Paulus as a retired military officer is utilized in the 2019 legislative elections. This research is based on Putnam's (1995) Social Capital Theory which refers to networks, trust, and application of values/norms in the process of obtaining votes. This research argues that there is always room for retired military officers in politics, influenced by the ownership of a network that can definitely be used to quickly add the needed votes. This research found that there was an interaction between internal parties, retired military officers and external forces which created a strengthening of the social capital of TNI Lt. Gen. (Ret.) H. Lodewijk F. Paulus in the contest. The Golkar Party also gave an internal position to Lt. Gen. TNI (Ret.) H. Lodewijk F. Paulus, who further strengthened his position in the party to use his social capital. The conclusion obtained is that Lt. Gen. TNI (ret.) H. Lodewijk F. Paulus had capital ownership in the process of gaining votes with the help of military colleagues to successfully obtain the most votes in Lampung I."

"Reformasi TNI telah mengamanatkan TNI kembali ke barak sebagai upaya memfokuskan TNI dengan tugas utamanya sebagai alat negara di bidang pertahanan, setelah sebelumnya pada masa Orde Baru militer terlibat aktif pada urusan sosial-politik. Sejumlah Peraturan Perundang-Undangan, di antaranya Undang-Undang No. 34 Tahun 2004 tentang Tentara Nasional Indonesia menjadi payung hukum untuk memastikan reformasi TNI berjalan semestinya. Akan tetapi, nyatanya pascareformasi perluasan posisi militer pada jabatan sipil justru kembali terjadi. Penelitian ini menggunakan tipe penelitian kualitatif dengan pendekatan studi kasus (case study). Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa penempatan prajurit TNI pada jabatan sipil di luar ketentuan UU TNI yang terjadi pascareformasi secara nyata kontradiktif dengan upaya reformasi TNI. Tiga faktor yang teridentifikasi menjadi penyebabnya adalah: (1) faktor kepemimpinan, (2) faktor struktur negara, dan (3) faktor organisasi militer. Melalui penempatan tersebut pemerintah membuka kembali keterlibatan TNI pada ruang-ruang sosial-politik, serta merupakan bentuk kontrol sipil subjektif sebagaimana dijelaskan Huntington (2003). Penempatan militer aktif pada sejumlah jabatan sipil tersebut bukan lagi bentuk intervensi militer, tetapi justru pejabat sipil yang menariknya kembali.

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TNI reform has mandated that the TNI return to barracks in an effort to focus the TNI on its main task as an instrument of the state in the defense sector, after previously, during the New Order era, the military was actively involved in socio-political affairs. A number of laws and regulations, including Law No. 34 of 2004, concerning the Indonesian National Armed Forces, have become the legal umbrella to ensure TNI reform runs as it should. However, in fact, after the reformation, the expansion of military positions into civilian positions has reoccurred. This study uses a type of qualitative research with a case study approach. The results of this study indicate that the placement of TNI soldiers in civilian positions outside the provisions of the TNI Law that occurred post-reform is clearly contradictory to efforts to reform the TNI. Three factors were identified as the cause: (1) the leadership factor, (2) the state structure factor, and (3) the military organizational factor. Through this placement, the government reopened TNI involvement in socio-political spaces, which was a form of subjective civilian control, as explained by Huntington (2003). The placement of the active military in a number of civilian positions is no longer a form of military intervention; instead, civilian officials are withdrawing them."

"Tesis ini membahas Hubungan antara Tentara Nasional Indonesia (TNI) dan Polisi Republik Indonesia (Polri) pasca reformasi. Penelitian ini dinilai penting karena belum ada Tesis yang membahas permasalahan ini. Disamping itu penelitian ini bisa memberikan masukan mengenai prospek hubungan TNI dan Polri ke depan dan bisa diketahui juga sebab-sebab konflik antara TNI dan Polri.Tesis ini diklasifikasikan menjadi tiga bagian pembahasan, yaitu tentang hubungan TNI dan Polri sebelum masa reformasi, realisasi pemisahan TNI dan Polri, serta hubungan TNI dan Polri ke depan.Permasalahan yang ingin dibuktikan oleh Tesis ini adalah mengapa harus ada pemisahan TNI dan Polri, bagaimana dampak dari penetapan TAP MPR-RI No. VI dan VII Tahun 2000 yang berisi realisasi pemisahan TNI dan Polri, dan bagaimana prospek hubungan TNI dan Polri ke depan.Dengan menggunakan empat kerangka teori, yaitu profesionalisme militer, keamanan nasional (National Security), konflik TIN dan Polri, dan hubungan sipil militer. Akhirnya Tesis ini berkesimpulan bahwa pemisahan TNI dan Polri harus dilakukan karena kedua institusi itu mempunyai tugas yang berbeda. Realisasi pemisahan TN1 dan Polri berdampak pada intensitas konflik semakin kentara. Kemudian prospek hubungan antara kedua institusi itu ke depan akan diwarnai banyak bentrokan kalau tidak secepatnya ditetapkan suatu konsep keamanan nasional yang jelas.Bentrokan antara TNI dan Polri lebih dipicu oleh dua hal yaitu perebutan lahan dan persaingan korps organisasi. Hubungan antara tentara dan polisi dilapangan secara intensif dalam berbagai arena bisnis gelap dan menjadi backing dalam jaringan judi togel dan narkoba merupakan wahana yang rawan terjadinya konflik antara keduanya.Dalam rangka membangun hubungan yang ideal antara TNI dan Polri penting kiranya supaya kedua institusi itu mulai untuk mereduksi peran mereka dalam berbagai urusan yang di luar tanggungjawabnya. Dengan berdasar pada politik keamanan yang ada maka pengaturan pemisahan atas tugas pertahanan yang di dalamya TNI sebagai komponen utama dan untuk urusan keamanan umum (kamtibmas) dengan Polri sebagai komponen utamanya perlu diperjelas hubungan dan mekanismenya.

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After Reformation of Relationship between TNI and POLRI in 2000-2004: Problem and ProspectusThis thesis will discusses of relationship after reformation between Polri and TNI. This research is important because there is no thesis discussed with this problem. Beside that is this research can be included between prospect Polri and TNI in the future and can also known conflict between Polri and TNI.

Classification this thesis as three part discussed, that is about relationship before during Poll and TNI reformation, realized of separation in Path and TNI, and relationship between Polri and TNI in the future.

The problem want to be proofed by this thesis is why must be discrimination in Pohl and TNI, how to impact for TAP MPR-RI No. VI and VII in 2000 decision is realize substance of separation Polri and TNI, and how to the prospect relationship between Polri and TALI in the future.

By the purpose four theoretical framework, that is Military Professionalism, National Security, Conflict of Polri and TNI, and relationship between civil and military, and the end this thesis is conclusion that separation in Polri and TNI must be do it because the job in two institution is the different Realize of separation Polri and TNI will indicated more visible to intensity with the conflict. And then prospect of relationship between two institution for the future will many clash if does not clearly concept of constituent in National Security.

In the draft to build up for ideal relationship between Paid and TNI, maybe this important so that two institution will begin to reduction for their job in the other responsibility. By the basic at character in Security political there is separation function in the security of duty in TNT as primary component and for the General Security of duty (Kamtibmas) by the Polri as primary component must be clearly for mechanism and relationship."

"Reformasi militer Indonesia telah mengakibatkan perubahan budaya, doktrin, struktural, dan organisasi. Perubahan tersebut belum mencapai sifat yang fundamental terhadap hubungan sipil-militer yang demokratis dimana hal ini sangat bergantung secara bersamaan pada "subordinasi masyarakat sipil untuk nilai-nilai militer” dan “subordinasi kontrol sipil atas militer". Kasus Indonesia dari reformasi militer tampaknya menunjukkan bahwa keberhasilan demokratisasi hubungan sipil-militer tergantung begitu banyak pada setup kelembagaan militer serta pada gigihnya bimbingan dan inisiatif dari institusi sipil. Beradaptasi dari Peter D. Feaver tentang teori "principal-agent", penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa masih ada koherensi yang kurang terpadu dari upaya antara lembaga-lembaga sipil (supra), sehingga dasar reformasi militer di Indonesia di bawah kontrol demokrasi masih bermasalah. Hal ini jelas bahwa, pertama, reformasi militer merupakan bagian yang tidak terpisahkan dari demokratisasi, dan kematangan demokrasi harus membuka jalan bagi reformasi di militer. Kenyataan bahwa militer tetap merupakan bagian yang tidak terpisahkan dari lingkaran supra sehingga hal ini menjadi bermasalah. Kedua, lingkaran sipil/ politik di dalam lingkaran supra tidak dapat membimbing, memberikan saran, dan memberikan orientasi kepada militer dalam kerangka tujuan nasional, termasuk alokasi sumber daya serta penggunaan kekuatan militer, sementara militer tetap menjadi otonom dalam beberapa area seperti doktrin, organisasi, disiplin internal, sifat, serta rencana operasional. Ketiga, lingkaran infra-partai politik, organisasi kemasyarakatan, organisasi non-pemerintah serta akademisi dan media-telah memainkan beberapa peran, meskipun terbatas, dalam menetapkan beberapa perubahan, tetapi mereka tetap tidak mampu menjaga momentum selama proses berlangsung. Keempat, pada tingkat implementasi, Departemen Pertahanan tampaknya memiliki kapasitas yang terbatas untuk melakukan kontrol mereka atas militer terutama di bidang anggaran militer, prioritas strategis, akuisisi senjata, pendidikan, dan doktrin. Supremasi sipil di Indonesia tampaknya telah mengandalkan "subordinasi sukarela" dari militer daripada akses sipil untuk melakukan kontrol yang efektif terhadap militer. Oleh karena itu, kebijakan instruktif dan dasar hukum keduanya diperlukan dan penting untuk menghasilkan subordinasi lengkap militer ke sipil.

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Indonesia’s military reform may have resulted in noted cultural, structural, doctrinal, and organizational changes. But such change has yet to be felt in the fundamental democratic civil-military relation that relies upon both “the subordination of civil society to military values and the subordination of civilian control of the military”. In the case of Indonesia, the military reform process appears to suggest that the success of democratizing civil-military relations depends as much on the institutional setup of the military as on the persistence, guidance and initiative of the civilian institutions. Adapting Peter D. Feaver’s “principal-agent” theory, this study shows that owing to the lack of coherence and concerted effort among civilian institutions (supra), the nature of military reforms under democratic control in Indonesia remains problematic. Nonetheless, four points are clear. First, military reforms are an inseparable part of democratization, and democratic maturity should open the way for a better reforms in the military. The very fact that the military remains an integral and inseparable part of the supra is problematic. Secondly, the civil/political circle within supra is unable to fully guide, advise and orient the military in the area of national objectives, including the allocation of resources, and the use of military forces so long as the military remains autonomous in such areas as doctrine, organization, internal discipline, traits and operational planning. Thirdly, the infra -- political parties, social organizations, non-governmental organizations as well as academia and the media -- have played some roles, limited nonetheless, in setting the tone of changes, but they remain unable to keep up momentum throughout the process. Fourthly, at the implementation level, the Defense Ministry appears to have limited capacity to exercise its control over the military, especially in the area of the military budget, strategic priorities, weapons acquisition, education and doctrine. Civilian supremacy in Indonesia appears to have relied on “voluntary subordination” of the military rather than on civilian access to exercise effective control over the military. Hence, instructive policy and legal basis are both necessary and essential to yield a complete subordination of the military to the civilian democratic society."

"Sejak awal masa Reformasi sampai sekarang kebijakan penataan hubungan kelembagaan di antara Dephan dengan Mabes TNI masih menimbulkan permasalahan yang krusial. Permasalahannya adalah bagaimana menempatkan institusi militer secara obyektif dan proporsional dalam suatu sistem kenegaraan yang demokratis. Demikianlah permasalahan ini menjadi salah satu program utama dalam pelaksanaan kebijakan reformasi sektor pertahanan pada aspek struktural yang dilaksanakan oleh pemerintahan di Indonesia. Oleh karena itu permasalahan yang diteliti dalam penulisan tesis ini adalah bagaimana kebijakan dan upaya reformasi sektor pertahanan aspek struktural yang menyangkut penataan hubungan kelembagaan di antara Dephan (Kemhan) dengan Mabes TNI tersebut telah dilaksanakan selama masa Reformasi ini. Penelitian difokuskan pada kurun waktu yang dilaksanakan sejak awal masa Reformasi tahun 1998 sampai dengan masa pemerintahan Presiden SBY-JK (2004-2009) dan bagaimana alternatif kebijakan penataan selanjutnya ke depan, yang ditinjau dalam perspektif Kebijakan Publik, Demokratisasi, penegakan Supremasi Sipil dalam paradigma hubungan Sipil dan Militer di Indonesia serta dilihat juga dari perspektif Ketahanan Nasional. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan analisa deskriptif analitis. Mengacu kepada kajian teoritis tentang Kebijakan Publik, Demokratisasi, penataan hubungan Sipil-Militer dan penegakan Supremasi Sipil yang kemudian diterapkan di Indonesia, maka dari hasil penelitian dan analisa pembahasan bisa disimpulkan bahwa kebijakan reformasi pertahanan pada aspek struktural yang dilaksanakan melalui upaya penataan hubungan kelembagaan di antara Dephan (sekarang Kemhan) dengan Mabes TNI selama masa Reformasi sampai periode pemerintahan Presiden SBY-JK telah memberikan pemahaman mendasar bagi institusi militer di Indonesia, agar dapat diposisikan secara obyektif dan proporsional sebagai bagian dari suatu sistem kenegaraan yang demokratis. Dengan adanya tuntutan Demokratisasi, penataan hubungan Sipil-Militer dan penegakan Supremasi Sipil yang gencar diwacanakan oleh Civil Society sejak awal masa Reformasi pada kenyataannya oleh pemerintah telah direspon dalam penataan hubungan kelembagaan tersebut melalui proses dan mekanisme politik yang relevan dengan perkembangan sistem hukum dan ketatanegaraan di Indonesia. Sedangkan dalam perspektif Ketahanan Nasional, penataan hubungan kelembagaan ini juga berimplikasi positif terhadap aspek Ideologi, Politik, Ekonomi dan Sosial Budaya bangsa dan negara Indonesia saat ini.

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Since the beginning of the reform period up to now policies institutional arrangement relationship between Dephan with TNI headquarters still raises a crucial issue. The issues is how to place military institution objectively and proportionately within a democratic state system. So the issue becomes one of the main programs in the implementation of policy reforms on the structural aspects of the defence sector conducted by the Indonesian government. Therefore the main research of this thesis is the problem how policy and efforts of defence sector reform structural aspects related to structuring institutional relationship between the Dephan (Kemhan) with the TNI Headquarters was implemented during this reform period.

Research focused on the problem reforms implemented since the beginning of reform period 1998 to the reign of President SBY-JK (2004-2009). Besides that is how subsequent policy alternative arrangement forward, which is seen in the perspective of democratization, rule of civilian supremacy in civil and military relations paradigm in Indonesia as well as seen also in the perspective of national resilience. This study used qualitative methods with analytical descriptive analysis.

Referring to the theoretical study of Public Policy, The Democratization, The Arrangement of Civil-Military relations and uphold Civilian Supremacy which is then applied in Indonesia, then the results of research and analysis concluded that the discussion of defencce reform policies are implemented through the structural aspects of effort to organize the institutional relationship between the Department of Defence (now Kemhan) with the TNI Headquarters during the period of reform until President SBY-JK government has given fundamental understanding to military institutions in Indonesia. This kind of understanding can be positioned to objectively and proportionately as part of a democratic state system.

The requirements of Democratization, The Arrangement of Civil-Military relations and Civilian Supremacy rule to a vigorous enforcement by civil society discourse since the beginning of reform on the fact the government has responded in structuring the relationship institution through political processes. The mechanisms there are relevant to the legal system and constitutional developments in Indonesia. While the National Relience perspective, the arrangement of these institutional relationships also has a positive impact on aspects of Ideology, Politics, Economics and Social Culture of the nation and the state of Indonesia today."

"[Skripsi ini menganalisis hubungan sipil - militer terkait peran militer dalam proses rekonstruksi dan rekonsiliasi di Provinsi Utara Sri Lanka pasca konflik antara pemerintah Sri Lanka dan LTTE. Untuk menjelaskan hal tersebut, skripsi ini menggunakan teori hubungan sipil - militer berdasarkan sintesa pemikiran Alfred Stepan, Samuel E. Finer, Michael C. Desch, dan Louis W. Goodman. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dan menerapkan teknik studi literatur. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan adanya hubungan sipil - militer dengan akomodasi sipil yang tidak seimbang di Provinsi Utara Sri Lanka dan merugikan masyarakat Tamil di Provinsi Utara.;This thesis analysis civil - military relations related to the role of military in the reconstruction and reconciliation process in Northern Province of Sri Lanka after a period of conflict between the central government and the LTTE. In order to provide a solid framework of analysis, thesis synthesizes basic conceptual arguments derived from the works of Alfred Stepan, Samuel E. Finer, Michael C. Desch, and Louis W. Goodman. This is a qualitative research which applies an literature study. The research shows that the Sri Lankan military involvement in the post-conflict reconstruction and reconciliation process has caused an unbalanced civil - military relations in the Sri Lanka?s Northern Province and threaten the Tamil community in the region.;This thesis analysis civil - military relations related to the role of military in the reconstruction and reconciliation process in Northern Province of Sri Lanka after a period of conflict between the central government and the LTTE. In order to provide a solid framework of analysis, thesis synthesizes basic conceptual arguments derived from the works of Alfred Stepan, Samuel E. Finer, Michael C. Desch, and Louis W. Goodman. This is a qualitative research which applies an literature study. The research shows that the Sri Lankan military involvement in the post-conflict reconstruction and reconciliation process has caused an unbalanced civil - military relations in the Sri Lanka?s Northern Province and threaten the Tamil community in the region.;;This thesis analysis civil - military relations related to the role of military in the reconstruction and reconciliation process in Northern Province of Sri Lanka after a period of conflict between the central government and the LTTE. In order to provide a solid framework of analysis, thesis synthesizes basic conceptual arguments derived from the works of Alfred Stepan, Samuel E. Finer, Michael C. Desch, and Louis W. Goodman. This is a qualitative research which applies an literature study. The research shows that the Sri Lankan military involvement in the post-conflict reconstruction and reconciliation process has caused an unbalanced civil - military relations in the Sri Lanka?s Northern Province and threaten the Tamil community in the region.;This thesis analysis civil - military relations related to the role of military in the reconstruction and reconciliation process in Northern Province of Sri Lanka after a period of conflict between the central government and the LTTE. In order to provide a solid framework of analysis, thesis synthesizes basic conceptual arguments derived from the works of Alfred Stepan, Samuel E. Finer, Michael C. Desch, and Louis W. Goodman. This is a qualitative research which applies an literature study. The research shows that the Sri Lankan military involvement in the post-conflict reconstruction and reconciliation process has caused an unbalanced civil - military relations in the Sri Lanka?s Northern Province and threaten the Tamil community in the region., This thesis analysis civil - military relations related to the role of military in the reconstruction and reconciliation process in Northern Province of Sri Lanka after a period of conflict between the central government and the LTTE. In order to provide a solid framework of analysis, thesis synthesizes basic conceptual arguments derived from the works of Alfred Stepan, Samuel E. Finer, Michael C. Desch, and Louis W. Goodman. This is a qualitative research which applies an literature study. The research shows that the Sri Lankan military involvement in the post-conflict reconstruction and reconciliation process has caused an unbalanced civil - military relations in the Sri Lanka’s Northern Province and threaten the Tamil community in the region.]"