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"Kebijakan ambang batas parlemen yang diterapkan dalam penentuan kursi anggota Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat (DPR) di Indonesia telah menyebabkan banyak partai politik tidak lolos ke DPR, serta banyak suara pemilih tidak terkonversi menjadi kursi dan menjadi terbuang. Kondisi tersebut mengakibatkan terjadinya disproporsionalitas hasil pemilihan umum serta dapat mengancam kedaulatan rakyat dan asas keadilan dalam pemilihan umum. Penelitian ini menganalisis bagaimana pengaruh penerapan ambang batas parlemen terhadap proporsionalitas hasil pemilihan umum di Indonesia serta bagaimana rekomendasi dalam menentukan besaran ambang batas parlemen yang ideal untuk diterapkan di Indonesia. Penelitian ini dilakukan dengan menggunakan metode penelitian yuridis normatif dengan pendekatan studi komparatif untuk mengetahui pengaruh penerapan ambang batas parlemen dalam beberapa pemilihan umum yang pernah diselenggarakan di Indonesia, serta untuk menemukan formula yang tepat untuk menghitung besaran ambang batas parlemen yang dapat meminimalisir disproporsionalitas hasil pemilihan umum. Berdasarkan penelitian yang telah dilakukan dan berdasarkan perhitungan dengan menggunakan indeks Loosemore-Hanby Index (LHI), didapati bahwa penerapan ambang batas parlemen dengan besaran yang tidak didesain dengan rumusan yang terukur telah mengakibatkan tingginya indeks LHI yang mengindikasikan bahwa hasil pemilihan umum DPR di Indonesia tidak proporsional. Oleh karena itu, perlu dilakukan perumusan besaran ambang batas parlemen dengan menggunakan formula matematis yang tepat. Penulis kemudian mengambil konsep dan formula ambang batas efektif yang dirumuskan oleh Rein Taagepera, dan berdasarkan hasil perhitungan, didapati bahwa besaran ambang batas parlemen efektif untuk pemilihan umum DPR di Indonesia adalah 1% dari total suara sah nasional.

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The parliamentary threshold policy implemented in determining seats for members of the People's Representative Council (DPR) in Indonesia has caused many political parties failed to enter the DPR, and many voters' votes were not converted into seats and were wasted. This condition caused disproportionality in the general election results and could threaten the people’s sovereignty and the principle of fairness in general elections. This research analyzes how the implementation of the parliamentary threshold affects the proportionality of the general election results in Indonesia and how recommendations are made in determining the ideal parliamentary threshold to be implemented in Indonesia. This research is conducted using a normative juridical research method with a comparative study approach to determine the effect of the implementation of parliamentary threshold in several general elections that have been held in Indonesia, as well as to find the right formula for calculating the magnitude of the parliamentary threshold that can minimize the disproportionality of the general election results. Based on research conducted and based on calculations using the Loosemore-Hanby Index (LHI), it was found that the implementation of parliamentary threshold with a magnitude that was not designed with a measurable formula has resulted in a high LHI index which indicates that the results of the DPR general elections in Indonesia are not proportional. Therefore, it is necessary to formulate the magnitude of the parliamentary threshold using the right mathematical formula. The author then took the concept and formula of the effective threshold formulated by Rein Taagepera, and based on the calculation results, it was found that the magnitude of the effective parliamentary threshold for the DPR general elections in Indonesia is 1% of the total valid national votes."

"Skripsi ini mengkaji dan membahas topik fenomena peran fraksi DPR RI, sebagai isu yang tengah mengemuka, yaitu adanya upaya pembubaran fraksi oleh Gerakan Nasional Pemberantasan Korupsi (GNPK) karena fraksi dinilai banyak berperan di dalam pelaksanaan fungsi, tugas dan wewenang DPR dan dinilai bertentangan dengan UUD 1945. Sehubungan dengan itu, maka penelitian ini difokuskan pada salah satu pelaksanaan fungsi DPR, yaitu fungsi legislasi dalam penentuan ambang batas parlemen dalam pembahasan RUU tentang Perubahan atas UU No. 10 Tahun 2008 tentang Pemilu Anggota DPR, DPD, dan DPRD. Hal ini diangkat karena dalam penentuan ambang batas parlemen terjadi perdebatan alot di antara fraksi-fraksi DPR. Di satu pihak, fraksi kecil (FPPP) yang khawatir gagal meraih suara signifikan, bersikeras mempertahankan besaran ambang batas parlemen 2,5%, sedangkan fraksi menengah (FPKS) menginginkan besaran ambang batas parlemen 3%-5%. Di pihak lain, fraksi besar (FPG), dengan hasrat meraih kursi lebih banyak, bersikukuh menaikkan besaran ambang batas parlemen 5%. Penelitian ini adalah penelitian kualitatif dengan desain deskriptif analitis. Data diperoleh melalui tinjauan pustaka dan wawancara. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa peran fraksi DPR kuat dan mendominasi dalam pelaksanaan fungsi legislasi DPR, yaitu dalam penentuan ambang batas parlemen dalam pembahasan RUU tentang Perubahan atas UU No. 10 Tahun 2008 tentang Pemilu Anggota DPR, DPD, dan DPRD. Hal ini sebagaimana terlihat, baik dari aspek pengorganisasian anggota fraksi, aspek substansi kebijakan fraksi maupun aspek sistem pengawasan fraksi. Sementara, jika ditinjau dari teori perwakilan politik maka termasuk dalam teori kebebasan dengan tipe hubungan yang partisan.

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This study examined and discussed the phenomenon topic on the role of the House of Representatives’ factions, as the central issue raised during the discussion, namely the dissolution of factions by the National Anti-Corruption Movement (GNPK) since factions were being assessed as playing a significant role in the execution of the functions, duties, and powers of the House of Representatives which were against the 1945 Constitution. Accordingly, this study focused on the exercise of one of the functions of the House, that is the legislation function in deciding parliamentary threshold during discussion on Bill on the Amendments to Law No. 10 of 2008 on the Election of Members of DPR, DPD and DPRD. The issue was raised because there were tough discussions among factions before the floor made any decisions on parliamentary threshold. On the one hand, faction with small number of MPs (PPP Faction) that was concerned on the failure to reach significant number of vote insisted on maintaining massive parliamentary threshold of 2.5%, while faction with not to large number of MPs (PKS Faction) wanted a massive parliamentary threshold of 3%-5%. On the other hand, faction with larger number of MPs (PG Faction), with an enthusiasm of getting more seats on the next election, insisted in raising thkeye percentage to 5% of parliamentary threshold. This study used a qualitative research design with descriptive analysis. Data were obtained through literature reviews and interviews.

The results showed that the ruling faction played significant role and dominated the legislation functions of the House, especially during the discussion on parliamentary threshold decision on Bill on the Amendments to Law No. 10 of 2008 on Election of Members DPR, DPD and DPRD. That conclusion was clearly manifested both in organizational aspect of faction members, faction's policy substance aspect as well as faction’s supervision system aspect. While, based on the review of the theory of political representation, it can be concluded that there was a theory of freedom with a partisan type of relationship that worked within."

"Tesis ini mengkaji mengenai Pertarungan Kekuasaan Antara Partai Besar vs Partai Kecil dalam Perumusan Ambang Batas Presiden ('Presidential Threshold') Pada Undang-Undang Nomor 7 Tahun 2017 Tentang Pemilihan Umum yang terjadi di Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Republik Indonesia (DPR RI). Dalam proses pembahasan tersebut masing-masing fraksi saling beradu argumentasi mengenai isu ambang batas presiden ('presidential threshold'). Terdapat 2 (dua) pendapat yang mengemuka yang saling berlawanan (kontradiktif) antara satu dengan yang lainnya. P'ertama', pendapat yang menginginkan agar besaran ambang batas presiden tetap pada angka 20% kursi dan 25% suara sah nasional. 'Kedua', pendapat yang menginginkan agar aturan mengenai ambang batas presiden ('presidential threshold') dihapuskan menjadi 0%. Adapun teori yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini yaitu teori kekuasaan, teori persaingan dan teori konflik. Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian  kualitatif dengan menggunakan teknik analisa deskriptif-analitis dan wawancara mendalam dengan beberapa anggota fraksi yang terlibat langsung dalam proses politik tersebut.Temuan dalam penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa partarungan kekuasaan antara partai besar vs partai kecil pada perumusan ambang batas presiden ('presidential threshold') lebih dimotivasi oleh orientasi dan kepentingan politik pragmatis masing-masing fraksi yang sifatnya kolutif dalam rangka untuk kepentingan Pilpres dan Pemilu tahun 2019. Implikasi teoritis menunjukkan bahwa teori kekuasaan, teori persaingan dan teori konflik berimplikasi positif terhadap penelitian ini.

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This thesis examines the Power Struggle between the Big Parties vs Small Parties in the Formulation of the Presidential Threshold in Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections that occurs in the House of Representatives of the Republic of Indonesia (DPR RI). In the discussion process each faction clashed with each other regarding the presidential threshold. There are 2 (two) opinions that are contradictory between one another. First, opinions that want the presidential threshold to remain at 20% of seats and 25% of legitimate national votes. Second, opinions that want the presidential threshold to be abolished to 0%. The theories used in this study are power theory, competition theory and conflict theory. This research is a qualitative research using analytical-descriptive analysis techniques and in-depth interviews with several faction members who are directly involved in the political process.

The findings in this study indicate that the participation of power between big parties vs small parties in the formulation of the presidential threshold is more motivated by the orientation and pragmatic political interests of each faction that is colutive in the interests of the 2019 Presidential Election and Election. Theoretical implications shows that the theory of power, competition theory and conflict theory have positive implications for this research."

"THE result of the general elections demonstrates that multi-political parties in Indonesia has produced a highly fragmented parliament, poor composition in the parliameut to supporting the executive (minority presMent) and coalition formations prone to change. This situation is parallel with the unstable scenario of the presidential system getting the government trapped in a situation of divided governme!Jf.

The result of the simultaneous general elections is expected to produce a size of composition in the parliament which is parallel with the political composition in the executive, in order for the executive to pe1j'orm government effectively. Nevertheless, the peJ.formance of the simultaneous general elections combined with a mqjority run off of the preside11tial election system belies matters wljich can be a threat to the successful achievement of the objective of the simultaneous general elections. Such condition will lead the political parties into general elections by having their respective candidate presidents, because they deem the winner of the presidential election will not be achieved at tliefirst round.

The political parties use the first round to achieve a 'coattail ~!feet' which they expect would enlarge their chance to place as many as possible representatives in the parliament. If that does nOt happen, there is the possibility that a highly ji·agmellfed parliament will be fanned, resulting in the absence of a majority power, and enlarging the potential to having a minority president. The threshold of presidential candidacy is an effective measured way to overcome that problem. A limited number of presidential candidates can be assured through a threshold of presidential candidacy, We may expect the . benefits of the simultaneous general elections in a constellation of limited nuniber of presidential candidates."

"Tesis ini membahas tentang tinjauan kelembagaan Bawaslu dengan kewenangan quasi judicial atau semi peradilan dalam menyelesaikan masalah hukum pemilu pelanggaran administratif dan sengketa proses pemilu pada pelaksanaan pemilu tahun 2019. Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian hukum normatif dengan menggunakan studi kepustakaan dan wawancara dalam pengumpulan data, kemudian data-data yang diperoleh dianalisis dengan menggunakan pendekatan hukum kualitatif. Secara konstitusional, pembentukan Bawaslu sebagai satu kesatuan fungsi penyelenggaraan pemilu di Indonesia menginduk kepada Pasal 22 E ayat (5) UUD 1945 serta dikuatkan berdasarkan Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Nomor 11/PUU-VIII/2010. Pada Pasal 22 E ayat (5) UUD 1945 tersebut menegaskan bahwa penyelenggara pemilu bersifat mandiri. Dalam prakteknya, Bawaslu telah memenuhi karakteristik sebagai lembaga Negara yang mandiri atau independen berdasarkan dasar pembentukannya. Sebagai lembaga Negara yang mandiri, Bawaslu secara ketatanegaraan dimungkinkan untuk memiliki kewenangan dalam  menjalankan fungsi quasi judicial. Diketahui bahwa dalam perkembangan lembaga negara pasca amandemen UUD 1945, selain Bawaslu terdapat lembaga negara independen lainnya yang memiliki kewenangan dengan fungsi quasi judicial. Lembaga tersebut misalnya Komisi Pengawas Persaingan Usaha (KPPU) dan Komisi Informasi Publik (KIP). Sebagai lembaga Negara lapisan kedua, pembentukan Bawaslu, KPPU dan KIP berada diluar sistem peradilan di Indonesia. Namun pada dasarnya lembaga-lembaga Negara independen ini melakukan fungsi campuran dengan sifatnya yang penunjang terhadap lembaga Negara utama untuk menjalankan fungsi regulatif dan administratif termasuk fungsi quasi judicial dalam melaksanakan tugas dan kewenangannya. Dalam menjalankan fungsi kekuasaan quasi judicial yang dilakukan oleh Bawaslu secara umum telah memenuhi karakter kekuasaan quasi judicial yang dirumuskan oleh Jimly Asshiddqie.

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This thesis discusses the institutional review of Bawaslu with quasi-judicial or semi-judicial authority in solving electoral legal problems in administrative violations and electoral process disputes in the 2019 elections. This research is a normative legal research using library studies and interviews in data collection, then data- the data obtained were analyzed using a qualitative legal approach. Constitutionally, the formation of Bawaslu as a unified function of the administration of elections in Indonesia is based on Article 22 E paragraph (5) of the 1945 Constitution and is strengthened based on the Decision of the Constitutional Court Number 11 / PUU-VIII / 2010. Article 22 E paragraph (5) of the 1945 Constitution confirms that the election organizer is independent. In practice, Bawaslu has fulfilled its characteristics as an independent or independent State institution based on the basis of its formation. As an independent state institution, Bawaslu in an administrative manner is possible to have the authority to carry out the quasi judicial function. It is known that in the development of state institutions after the amendment to the 1945 Constitution, in addition to Bawaslu there are other independent state institutions that have authority with quasi-judicial functions. Such institutions include the Business Competition Supervisory Commission (KPPU) and the Public Information Commission (KIP). As the second layer state institution, the formation of Bawaslu, KPPU and KIP is outside the justice system in Indonesia. However, basically these independent state institutions perform a mixed function with their supporting nature to the main State institutions to carry out regulatory and administrative functions including quasi judicial functions in carrying out their duties and authorities. In carrying out the functions of quasi judicial power carried out by Bawaslu in general it has fulfilled the character of quasi judicial power formulated by Jimly Asshiddqie."

"Penelitian ini membahas mengenai mekanisme pemilihan Kepala Daerah secara langsung di Indonesia yang selanjutnya dikaitkan dengan teori Imam al-Mawardi. Dalam teorinya, Imam al-Mawardi menyebutkan bahwa Kepala Daerah diangkat oleh Kepala Negara. Terdapat dua pokok permasalahan dalam penelitian ini. Pertama, dari mekanisme pengisian jabatan Kepala Daerah yang pernah berlaku di Indonesia adakah yang sejalan dengan teori Imam al-Mawardi. Kedua, apakah pemikiran Imam al-Mawardi dapat diterapkan di Indonesia. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah yuridis normatif, yaitu penelitian yang menggunakan data sekunder.Hasil penelitian ini adalah diantara mekanisme pengisian jabatan Kepala Daerah di Indonesia, yang sejalan dengan teori Imam al-Mawardi yaitu ketika masa berlakunya UU No. 22 Tahun 1948; UU No. 18 Tahun 1965; Penetapan Presiden No. 6 Tahun 1959; serta UU No. 5 Tahun 1974. Salah satu sifat yang dimiliki oleh fiqh yaitu muranah yang berarti bersifat luwes, fleksibel, atau lentur yang dapat berkembang seiring berubahnya tempat, waktu, situasi, dan kondisi. Karena sifat muranah dari fiqh tersebut, memungkinkan berkembangnya fiqh baru di bidang politik yang boleh jadi berbeda dengan teori Imam al-Mawardi. Karena itu, memaksakan penerapan suatu pemikiran fiqh lama atau bahkan usang, tidak sejalan dengan sifat hakekat dari fiqh itu sendiri. Akan tetapi, fakta historis di Indonesia menunjukkan bahwa pernah diterapkannya peraturan perundang-undangan yang sejalan dengan teori Imam al-Mawardi. Sehingga, dapat disimpulkan bahwa teori Imam al-Mawardi dimungkinkan untuk diterapkan di Indonesia.

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This research deals with the mechanisms of the Regional Head election directly in Indonesia that is associated with the theory of Imam al-Mawardi. In theory, the Imam al-Mawardi mentioned that Regional Head appointed by the Head of State. There are two principal problems in this research. First, mechanisms of position filling of Regional Head in Indonesia is that in accordance with the theory of Imam al-Mawardi. Second, how the application of the thinking of the Imam al-Mawardi in Indonesia. The research method used was the normative juridical, namely the research using secondary data.

The results of this research are among the mecanishm of position filling of the Regional Head in Indonesia, which is in accordance with the theory of Imam al-Mawardi among them when the enactment of Law Number 22 Year 1948; Law Number 6 Year 1965; Presidential Determination Number 6 Year 1959; as well as Law Number 5 Year 1974. One of the characteristic by the fiqh that is muranah which means are supple, pliable or flexible, which can grow as a centralized place, time, and conditions. Because fiqh are muranah, allowing the development of a new fiqh in the politics that may be different from the theory of Imam al-Mawardi. Therefore, impose the application of a thought-provoking event long or even obsolete, inconsistent with the nature of the substance of the event itself. However, the historical facts in Indonesia shows that ever applied the legislation in line with the theory of Imam al-Mawardi. So, it can be concluded that the theory of Imam al-Mawardi made possible for applied in Indonesia."

"Tujuan dari penulisan skripsi ini adalah untuk mengetahui sejauh mana proses demokratisasi yang sedang berlangsung di Myanmar setelah dilaksanakannya pemilihan umum tahun 2010 dengan tujuan untuk mengubah kepemimpinan di Myanmar. Analisis yang digunakan untuk melihat permasalahan yaitu menggunakan teori demokratisasi dari Samuel P. Huntington, teori demokrasi dari Thomas Mayer dan Robert Dahl, dan sistem pemilihan dari Dr. Ichlasul Amal. Penulis menggunakan metode kualitatif dan menggunakan studi literatur dalam teknik pengumpulan data dan analisis data. Hasil dari penulisan ini adalah bahwa dengan terpilihnya pemerintahan yang baru melalui pemilihan umum semakin memberikan peluang terhadap perubahan politik di Myanmar dengan menjalankan prinsip demokrasi pada pemerintahan Myanmar yang baru. Ini merupakan langkah awal dari sebuah proses perubahan yang sedang berlangsung di Myanmar.

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The purpose of this thesis is to determine the extent of the ongoing democratization process in Myanmar after the implementation of the general election in 2010 which aimed to change the leadership in Myanmar. The analysis is used to see the problems of using the theory of democratization from Samuel P. Huntington, democratic theory of Thomas Mayer and Robert Dahl, and the electoral system from Dr. Ichlasul Amal. The authors used qualitative methods in the study of literature. Also, the writer used data collection techniques and data analysis. The result/conclusion of this thesis is: this revolution of a new government through general elections had increasingly provide opportunities for political change in Myanmar by applying the principles of democracy in Myanmar's new government. This is the first step of a process of change in Myanmar."