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Penelitian ini menganalisis strategi rekrutmen caleg perempuan di Partai Nasional Demokrat dalam upaya memenuhi kebijakan affirmative action 30% keterwakilan perempuan pada Pemilu 2014. Pertanyaan dari penelitian ini adalah strategi Partai Nasional Demokrat merekrut calon legislatif perempuan dalam memenuhiAffirmative Action 30 % keterwakilan perempuan di Pemilu 2014.Penelitian ini beragumen, bahwa strategi Partai NasDem adalah memberikan kemudahan kepada perempuan untuk dapat masuk ke Partai NasDem, memberikan bantuan kepada caleg perempuan, membuat program rekrutmen, dan melakukan rekrutmen secara terbuka melalui media.Untuk menjawab pertanyaan, peneliti menggunakan teori rekrutmen politik yang berasal dari Pippa Norris dan Miriam Budiardjo. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan menggunakan teknik wawancara mendalam sebagai data primer, dan menggunakan data sekunder seperti undang-undang, AD/ART, dan studi literature lainnya. Penelitian ini menemukan 5 strategi Partai NasDem dalam merekrut caleg perempuan, diantaranya; Pertama, Partai NasDem mendirikan organisasi perempuan di bawah naungan Partai NasDem sebagai sumber kader perempuan dalam merekrut calon anggota legislatif perempuan. Kedua, Melakukan rekrutmen terbuka, Ketiga, Memberikan syarat mudah khusus untuk perempuan yang ingin bergabung dengan Partai NasDem.Keempat, Memberikan bantuan kepada caleg perempuan.Kelima, Partai NasDem tidak memungut biaya kepada caleg perempuan yang ingin maju di pemilihan. ...... This research analyzes the female candidates recruitment strategy in National Democrat (NasDem) party in order to fulfill the 30% female representation affirmative action policy in the election of 2014. The research question is what is National Democrat party's strategy to recruit female legislative candidates in order to fulfill 30% female representation affirmative action in the election of 2014? I argue that NasDem party's strategy is to accommodate women to join NasDem party, providing help for female candidates, making recruitment programs, and conducting recruitment openly through media. To answer the question, I use political recruitment theory from Pippa Norris and Miriam Budiarjo. This research uses qualitative strategy with deep interview technique for primary data, and using secondary data consisting of constitutions, party's statute and bylaws (AD/ART), and other literature study. This research found 5 NasDem party's main strategies in recruiting female candidates, which consist of; First of all, NasDem party establishes a female organization under the auspices of NasDem party as the source of female cadre in recruiting female legislative candidates. Second of all, conducting open recruitment. Third of all, requiring easily fulfilled requirements for women who want to join NasDem party. Fourth of all, providing help for female candidates. And fifth of all, NasDem party does not collect any payment from female candidates who want to come forward for the election.

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Contemporary feminists in Indonesia do not yet have questions about nationality, since the conversation about nationality has been considered final at the beginning of Indonesian independence. In fact, in terms of contemporary analysis, women have problems with nationality, when the definition of nationality is dominated by the study of political science that is male view biased. By tracing history to contemporary time, the relationship between women and nationality is dominated by patriarchal interests for the mobilization of power, even if women have an independent political interest. That is why political interests of women are situated marginally in nationality. But if we use the perspective of the social sciences, as feminist theories, then the notion of nationality is broader than that of women and the state. We are still less productive in abstracting the relationship between women and citizens in nationality, while it is a daily practice of womens struggles both personally and organically. Women have proven to be an active agency to become citizens beyond the mobilization of the state.This paper seeks to arouse feminist questions about nationalism, in order to reveal the role of women who are hidden in nationality.

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The discussion on terrorism is currently focused on issues concerning law enforcement efforts, cooperation between defense institutions, analysis of legal policies, and definitions of terrorism. Women (especially wives) are excluded from the process of dialogue and response to terrorism. This study emphasizes the experience and voice of the wives of former convicted terrorists. This article explores the process of upheaval and negotiation from the extremist narratives contained in the logic of thinking as a struggle in the context of self acceptance and autonomy. This study uses a case study approach with a feminist perspective, and in depth interviews as a method of data collection. The feminist view of Relational Autonomy and the Politics of Piety was chosen as a theoretical framework for analyzing findings. The results of the study indicate that there is an indoctrination from the husband about the teachings of extremism and that the wife experiences a struggle to internalize the teaching. On the other hand, there are also findings that show wives also negotiate with their husbands in carrying out the teachings of extremism. The conclusion of this study shows that the wifes figure experiences the process of constructivism and relational autonomy in the struggle process and its negotiations so far. In addition, the wife can also be seen as an agent to strengthen the spirit of nationality through the values of tolerance.

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The chaotic political issues always accompany the nation of Indonesia until this day. One of them is reflected in political dimension which summarized on the intolerance narrative in the election of Jakarta governor in 2017. Nonetheless, gender and women dimensions seem to shrink from public attention. Within the framework of the state, the important role of women for national life is reduced in the ideology of ibuism.This ideology actually finds a way in triggering activation of women when adapting to Political Islam. For that reason, research question of this paper is how the ibuism of political Islam affect the perception and preferences of female voters in the election of Jakarta governor in 2017? In order to answer the question, this paper uses a qualitative methodology with a phenomenological approach. As the final result, this paper conclude that in the framework of ibuism of political Islam, women played a role as agent which directing women voter perception. It is worked in taklims mobilization network where women voter are asked vow to vote or do not vote particular candidate in Jakarta governor election in 2017.

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This paper discusses gender bias within the Indonesian historiography tradition. Various historical literature records that all major events in Indonesian history as a nation are masculine and strongly dominated by male narratives.There is no space for women to be present in the narratives of the past. As if the history of Indonesia is a history of men, whereas if critical research is done then women such as men have a past narrative that is also important. Women are present and give meaning to the development of the nations history. This matter is absent in Indonesian historiography. The strength of gender bias in the historiography of Indonesia can not be separated from the strong patriarchal culture in the life of society. Thus the gender bias ultimately forms a canon, so this is then reproduced from generation to generation. This article argues that critical research by revealing a new fact is a power to change gender bias in Indonesian historiography.

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The purpose of this study is to explain about womens positions and roles that are represented in films as agents who frame identity and ethnical stereotype of the East. By using intersectional feminist perspective, the study analyze texts from three Indonesian films which using film sets in the regions of Eastern Indonesia as follows: Aisyah: Let Us Be a Family (2016), Salawaku (2016), and Marlina, the Murderer in Four Acts (2017). Findings show that films about Eastern Indonesia still embed with the perspectives of orientalism and colonialism. Women from non Eastern Indonesia are commonly represented to having superior positions and important roles in educating and spreading the feeling of nationalism. On the other hand, Eastern Indonesian women are mostly represented inferior and alienated from their communities and nature.

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Mothers of the Nation or ibuism is a term that is often considered negative in the study of womens history. This is related to the nations political journey, during which the New Order regime took power, the terminology was used to control and dominate women in Indonesia. Further explored, in the 19205, the spirit of nationalism are grew, including among the (priayi) noble women. They formed an association and held the Indonesian Womens Congress I in 1928. According to Susan Blackburn, what women did at the time was their nationalistic form, becoming Mothers of the Nation. Using a historical approach, this paper seeks to retrace how early noble women came into existence and formulated their ideas of nationalism. The sources used are the result of literature studies, whether magazines, books, scientific papers, memoirs or biographies of women movement. This paper also use oral and photo sources to complete the experiences of women who involved in this topic.