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"Makalah ini akan mengupas upacara makan 'dua-belas mangkok' dalam upacara pernikahan peranakan Tionghoa di Tangerang (Cina Benteng). Dalam penelitian ini akan dipaparkan makna dari makan 'dua-belas mangkok' dalam tata urutan upacara pernikahan masyarakat Cina Benteng dan bagaimana pelaksanaan upacara makan 'dua-belas mangkok' itu sendiri. Tujuan dari penelitian ini yaitu untuk menjelaskan apa sebenarnya makna di balik upacara makan 'dua-belas mangkok', apa saja hidangan dalam 'dua-belas mangkok' tersebut, serta bagaimana tata cara upacaranya. Melalui laporan penelitian ini diharapkan masyarakat akan memahami secara mendalam apa makna dari upacara makan 'dua-belas mangkok' di dalam tata upacara pernikahan peranakan Tionghoa di Tangerang (Cina Benteng).

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This paper will discuss the eating ritual 'dua-belas mangkok' in the wedding ceremony of Chinese-Indonesian society in Tangerang (Cina Benteng). This research will explain the meaning of eating 'dua-belas mangkok' in the process of Cina Benteng wedding ceremony and how the ritual 'dua-belas mangkok' is implemented. The purpose of this research is to explain the meaning behind eating ritual 'dua-belas mangkok', what are the dishes in the 'dua-belas mangkok' ritual, and how to do the ritual. People are expected to understand deeply the meaning of eating ritual 'dua-belas mangkok' in the process of wedding ceremony of Chinese-Indonesian society in Tangerang (Cina Benteng) through this paper. "

"Skripsi ini membahas tentang salah satu bentuk kepercayaan dari masyarakat Cina tradisional yaitu kegiatan ramal mermal. Kegiatan ini. sudah dikenal oleh masyarakat Cina sejak ribuan tahun yang lain, hal tersebut dapat dibuktikan dengan ditemukannya catatan mengenai kegiatan ini dalam kitab-kitab sejarah Cina Kuno. Kegiatan meramal di Cina didasari oleh adanya pemikiran tradisional yang percaya pada kekuatan-kekuatan supraalami. Kekuatan itu diwujudkan menjadi berbagai macam konsep. Contohnya konsep Tian yaitu konsep kekuatan tertinggi yang menentukan Ming (nasib) semua makhluk hidup. Bagi masyarakat Cina yang percaya pada kegiatan ramal meramal ini, meramal bukan saja semata-mata hanya untuk menge_tahui masa depan seseorang saja (fortune teller). Bagi masyara_kat Cina tradisional meramal adalah untuk mencari jalan keluar dalam kesulitan hidup, mengetahui tindakan yang tepat: sesuai dengan kehendak kekuatan supraalami, bahkan ,juga sebagai penuntun menjalin kerjasama dengan manusia lain. Pada masa lain, kegiatan meramal ini mendapat tempat cukup..."

"ln this thesis I discuss about the ancestor worship in in the Chinese-Hakka family and community in Singkawang-West Kalimantan (Borneo). The central concem of this study is the description and analysis of ancestor worship in rituals of death within family as conducted at the home, at place managed by Chinese burial association, and burial place, before and after burial. The main issue raised in this thesis is the function of ancestor worship for Hakka family and community of Singkawang, which based on Mauss (1992) and Suparlan (l978)?s exchange theory is to tighten the kinship relations between family members who are alive or living in this world-the ?real world? and their ancestors in the atier-life world or the ?unreal world?. The reason for the Hakka people of Singkawang to worship their ancestors. besides showing their filial piety (xiao) to ancestor. is also to ask for protection and assistance from them. In the time of needs or problems, members of a Hakka family or community will ask their ancestor spirits to help and protect him or her, and in return they will reciprocate the ancestors? help by providing food and beverages, as well as by paying respect to them, and all of these are conducted through rituals at the burial place or temples. This form or exchange is always maintained because it benefited both sides. Death and death rituals in Hakka family are the most important part ol ancestor worship among the Chinese-Hakka in Singkawang. There would be no ancestor worship without death and death rituals. According to Hakka people?s beliefs, the well-being of their ancestors in the after-life will determine their well- being or the well-being of related family in this life. In Chinese culture, as stated by Mencius, the most revered Confucian philosopher after Confucius himself, ?the greatest of all sins is to have no sons to carry on the ancestral line and continue the ancestors? worship? (see McCreey in Scupin, 2000: 286). Therefore, ?sons? is the operative world for Chinese in general. Traditional Chinese society is a patrilineal society in which Family surname and the right to a share of the family property descends from father to son. Daughters, once they married, their duty is to serve their parents-in-law, to worship their husband?s ancestors, and above all, to provide sons to continue their husband?s family line. Thus, usually daughters are not expected to share the burden of ancestor?s worship within their original family. In this thesis, I show that in Hakka family and community in Singkawang, in contrast to the abovementioned Chinese tradition, daughters who have married, together with their husbands, could come and share the burden of ancestor worship duty in the daughters? original family, as long as they do not take the place of sons as the leader of the family. Hakka family and community in Singkawang too see ancestor worship as means to gather members of related family, from both patrilineal and matrilineal sides, at one place and at a particular time, not only to conduct rituals and to worship their ancestors, but also to talk about family economy as well as other metters among family members. The ancestor worship of Haldta family and community in Singkawang does not only benefit members of related family, but, as a matter of fact, also provides some advantages for members of other ethnic groups, such as the Madurese and the Dayaks, particularly those who live near the Chinese burial place. During Ching Ming Jie or Chinese Toms Festival and Zhong Yuan Jie or Hungry Ghost Festival, these people-the Madurese and the Dayaks--could ask to help Hakka families to clean or cut grass on their ancestors? graves in return for a little money."

"ABSTRAKOrang Cina yang datang ke Indonesia terdiri dari berbagai macam kelompok dialek. Salah satunya adalah kelompok dialek Hinghoa. Seperti kebanyakan orang Cina yang berada di Indonesia, orang Hinghoa juga bermata pencaharian hidup sebagai pedagang. Hal yang menarik dari orang Hinghoa ini adalah mereka sebagian besar bekerja sebagai pedagang sepeda dan suku cadang kendaraan bermotor, padahal di daerah asal mereka orang Hinghoa bekerja sebagai petani atau nelayan. Hal ini tidak hanya terjadi di Jakarta tapi juga di berbagai daerah di Asia Tenggara.Hal yang mendasari orang Hinghoa memiliki pekerjaan yang sama adalah rasa solidaritas yang kuat di antara mereka.Mereka tetap meniaga hubungan baik antar sesama mereka dengan harapan mereka dapat mempertahankan lapangan peker_jaan yang telah mereka rintis sejak lama sehingga tidak ada ?rang lain selain kelompok dialek mereka yang dapat masuk dan menguasai bidang usaha mereka.Untuk menguraikan topik di atas, saya menggunakan peneli_tian lapangan dan kepustakaan. dikumpulkan dengan wawancara dan observasi terlibat. Hasil penelitian membuk_tikan bahwa solidaritas sangat berpengaruh dalam pemilihan lapangan pekerjaan dalam masyarakat Hinghoa di Jakarta."

"Mao Zedong merupakan tokoh pemimpin yang berpengaruh dalam sejarah Cina. Pada awal dekade 1990-an, belasan tahun setelah kematian Mao dan setelah posisinya dalam pemerintahan digantikan oleh Deng Xiaoping, terjadi ketertarikan kembali di kalangan masyarakat Cina terhadap sosoknya, yang dikenal dengan istilah 毛泽东热 (Mao Zedong re, Demam Mao Zedong). Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk memahami apa saja ragam ekspresi yang nampak dalam fenomena Demam Mao Zedong dalam masyarakat Cina pada 1990 hingga 1995, serta mengapa fenomena tersebut terjadi dalam masyarakat. Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa Demam Mao Zedong ditunjukkan melalui berbagai ragam ekspresi, seperti komersial, media masa, pariwisata, dan spiritual. Fenomena Demam Mao Zedong juga disebabkan oleh kebijakan Reformasi dan Keterbukaan yang memungkinkan masyarakat memanfaatkan sistem ekonomi pasar untuk mendapatkan keuntungan ekonomi dari sosok Mao, romantisme masyarakat terhadap Mao dalam bentuk kekaguman terhadap sosok Mao sebagai pemimpin dan nostalgia terhadap masa pemerintahannya, serta kemunculan pandangan baru masyarakat mengenai sosok Mao, yaitu sosok manusia biasa dan sebagai objek dari satire dan parodi.

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Mao Zedong is an influential leader figure in the history of China. On the early 1990s, years after his death and the replacement of his position in Chinese government by Deng Xiaoping, there was a renewed interest of his figure in Chinese society, which became known as 毛泽东 热 (Mao Zedong re, Mao Zedong fever). This research is meant to analyze the expressions of Mao Zedong fever on Chinese society during 1990 to 1995, and the reasons of its appearance during that era. This research found that Mao Zedong Fever was expressed using various forms, such as commercial goods, mass media, tourism, and spiritualism. The Mao Zedong Fever phenomenon was also caused by the Reform and Openness policy, which allows the use of market economy system by society to achieve economic gain from Mao`s image, romanticism of his image, such as his status as a leader and nostalgia of his period of government, and the rise of new outlooks on Mao`s figure within Chinese society, which are Mao as an ordinary man and Mao as the object of satire and parody."