Hasil Pencarian  ::  Simpan CSV :: Kembali

"ABSTRAKAljazair adalah salah satu negara di kawasan Timur Tengah dan Afrika Utara yang memiliki sejarah panjang dominasi militer dalam politik dan pemerintahan. Dominasi militer dalam pemerintahan yang telah berlangsung sejak lama tersebut sebenarnya telah diupayakan untuk dikurangi, namun baru mencapai puncaknya pada masa pemerintahan Presiden Abdelaziz Bouteflika periode ketiga dengan kebijakan reformasi dan demokrasi di pemerintahan Aljazair. Hanya saja, dibalik upaya tersebut, dominasi militer dalam politik Aljazair masih ada dengan peran aktif Dinas Intelijen Militer atau DRS Department Du Renseigment et De La Securite dalam menentukan arah kebijakan politik sekalipun secara konstitusional partisipasi militer dalam politik dilarang. Dengan demikian, tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk mengetahui hubungan sipil-militer di Aljazair pada tahun 2009-2014 mengingat revolusi Arab Spring berlangsung pada periode ini. Adapun metode penelitian yang digunakan oleh penulis dalam penelitian ini adalah metode kualitiatif dengan pendekatan studi pustaka. Metode tersebut dilaksanakan dengan melakukan telaah literatur, dokumen dan teori yang berkaitan dengan hubungan sipil-militer di Aljazair pada periode tersebut. Adapun yang dapat disimpulkan dari penelitian ini adalah hubungan sipil-militer di Aljazair yang mengarah kepada kontrol sipil secara penuh dengan pengurangan peran militer dalam politik dan penyerahan tanggungjawab penuh pertahanan negara terhadap militer. Peran Dinas Intelijen Militer juga perlahan mulai dikurangi semenjak tragedi ladang gas Amenas pada tahun 2013. Meskipun demikian, militer Aljazair masih digunakan oleh pemerintahan Presiden Abdelaziz Bouteflika sebagai alat kekuasaan.

---

ABSTRACTAlgeria is one among Middle East and North Africa states that has long history of military domination on its political and governmental affairs. There are a number of effort to reduce military domination on Algeria rsquo s political and governmental affairs that had been occurred since a long time ago, though it has just reached its peak during President Abdelaziz Bouteflika rsquo s third period with the policy of reformation and democratisation on governmental fields. Nevertheless, the domination of military in the Algerian political affairs are still remains with the active role of Military Intelligence Service or DRS Department Du Renseigment et De La Securite especially on state rsquo s policy direction making process though the military role in politics is prohibited constitutionally. Thus, the purpose of this research are intended to understand the civil military relations in Algeria during President Bouteflika rsquo s third periode from 2009 2014 because The Arab Spring Revolution occurred at that period. Method that used on this research is qualitative research with literature study approach. This research are conducted by reviewing and studying some literatures, documents, and theories related to civil military relations in Algeria at that period. According to this research, it may concluded that civil military relations in Algeria during President Bouteflika rsquo s third period are directing towards lsquo full civilian rsquo control with reducing military role in politics and handing over the security and defense affairs to the military. The role of the Military Intelligence Service DRS are reduced slowly after The Amenas Hostage Crisis in 2013. Despite of these situations, the military are still used by President Abdelaziz Bouteflika rsquo s administration as the tool to securing its power."

"There are two different perspectives on the relationship between civil society and military : (1) military is seen as an output of historical processes of military demands and situation and (2) military interventions into politically strategic positions were obstacles for civil society to achieve the position and undermined their opportunities. The dichotomization of military - civil society may be minized by forming a certain policy intended to improve the welfares of civil society and military."

"Reformasi TNI telah mengamanatkan TNI kembali ke barak sebagai upaya memfokuskan TNI dengan tugas utamanya sebagai alat negara di bidang pertahanan, setelah sebelumnya pada masa Orde Baru militer terlibat aktif pada urusan sosial-politik. Sejumlah Peraturan Perundang-Undangan, di antaranya Undang-Undang No. 34 Tahun 2004 tentang Tentara Nasional Indonesia menjadi payung hukum untuk memastikan reformasi TNI berjalan semestinya. Akan tetapi, nyatanya pascareformasi perluasan posisi militer pada jabatan sipil justru kembali terjadi. Penelitian ini menggunakan tipe penelitian kualitatif dengan pendekatan studi kasus (case study). Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa penempatan prajurit TNI pada jabatan sipil di luar ketentuan UU TNI yang terjadi pascareformasi secara nyata kontradiktif dengan upaya reformasi TNI. Tiga faktor yang teridentifikasi menjadi penyebabnya adalah: (1) faktor kepemimpinan, (2) faktor struktur negara, dan (3) faktor organisasi militer. Melalui penempatan tersebut pemerintah membuka kembali keterlibatan TNI pada ruang-ruang sosial-politik, serta merupakan bentuk kontrol sipil subjektif sebagaimana dijelaskan Huntington (2003). Penempatan militer aktif pada sejumlah jabatan sipil tersebut bukan lagi bentuk intervensi militer, tetapi justru pejabat sipil yang menariknya kembali.......TNI reform has mandated that the TNI return to barracks in an effort to focus the TNI on its main task as an instrument of the state in the defense sector, after previously, during the New Order era, the military was actively involved in socio-political affairs. A number of laws and regulations, including Law No. 34 of 2004, concerning the Indonesian National Armed Forces, have become the legal umbrella to ensure TNI reform runs as it should. However, in fact, after the reformation, the expansion of military positions into civilian positions has reoccurred. This study uses a type of qualitative research with a case study approach. The results of this study indicate that the placement of TNI soldiers in civilian positions outside the provisions of the TNI Law that occurred post-reform is clearly contradictory to efforts to reform the TNI. Three factors were identified as the cause: (1) the leadership factor, (2) the state structure factor, and (3) the military organizational factor. Through this placement, the government reopened TNI involvement in socio-political spaces, which was a form of subjective civilian control, as explained by Huntington (2003). The placement of the active military in a number of civilian positions is no longer a form of military intervention; instead, civilian officials are withdrawing them."

"National security, military and civil relations, and business activities of the Indonesian Armed Forces; collection of articles."

"This book explores the genesis and structure of the coup-installed regimes in Iran, Turkey, and Egypt, with particular emphasis on the interactions between the three ruling institutions across several decades: military, security, and politics. It analyzes the revolutions from above in these three countries and the trajectories of their respective regimes: Iran became an absolutist monarchy that was overthrown from below; Turkey developed a limited democracy; and Egypt evolved into a police state. This divergence, the book argues, was determined by the power struggle within the ruling bloc between the military, security, and political institutions-what it calls the power triangle. The discussion is organized in three parts. Part I examines how the Iranian regime was transformed into an absolutist monarchy, Part II highlights the limits of military guardianship in Turkey, and Part III considers the politics of repression in Egypt and especially how power relations between the country's military, security, and political institutions influenced the way they direct the regime one way or another."

"AbstrakThe indonesian military (tni) following the fall of suharto in 1998 embarked military reform aiming at creating a professional military. The military gradually reduced its presence in non defence affairs, notably the withdrawal from the parliament in 2004. post 2004 indonesia also witnessed the ratification of the 2004 law on tni, marking crucial juncture in indonesia military reform progress. The military often cited looming internal thrests in early reformasi period as a strong justification to reject reform prescription. post 2004 security circumstance in the country was greatly improved compared to the early reform period. despite these marvellous achievements, millitary engagement in politics kept occuring. then the question is way expansion of military engagement in politics happened in the post 2004 period despite the existing of better regulations and stable political and security circumstance?"

"[This volume seeks to explain why democratization and military reforms stagnate in newly democratizing countries. The contributions blend historical, ideational, cultural and structural explanatory factors to analyze the trajectories of military reform in Indonesia and Nigeria, two major regional powers that share many structural commonalities. In the tradition of the literature on security sector reform (SSR), the book not only scrutinizes executive initiatives toward military reform, but also provides ample coverage of societal actors. Findings show that while military reform is stagnating in both countries, societal forces ought to be taken into account more as major driving forces in explaining military reform. Several chapters study how legislatures, non-governmental organizations and the civilian defence epistemic community contribute to the transformation of military institutions. The last part of the book tackles another aspect rarely studied in the literature on military reform, namely, the role of militias in military reform., This volume seeks to explain why democratization and military reforms stagnate in newly democratizing countries. The contributions blend historical, ideational, cultural and structural explanatory factors to analyze the trajectories of military reform in Indonesia and Nigeria, two major regional powers that share many structural commonalities. In the tradition of the literature on security sector reform (SSR), the book not only scrutinizes executive initiatives toward military reform, but also provides ample coverage of societal actors. Findings show that while military reform is stagnating in both countries, societal forces ought to be taken into account more as major driving forces in explaining military reform. Several chapters study how legislatures, non-governmental organizations and the civilian defence epistemic community contribute to the transformation of military institutions. The last part of the book tackles another aspect rarely studied in the literature on military reform, namely, the role of militias in military reform.]"

"Revolusi yang terjadi di Mesir tahun 2011 membawa gelombang demokratisasi di Mesir. Hal ini juga memberikan kesempatan bagi kelompok Ikhwanul Muslimin yang selama ini direpresi oleh pemerintah untuk tampil dalam politik melalui partainya Freedom and Justice Party (FJP). Melalui pemilu 2012, FJP mampu memperoleh suara hingga 45 persen dan kandidat presidennya Muhammad Mursi terpilih menjadi presiden dengan perolehan suara sebesar 51,7 persen. Namun sayangnya demokratisasi yang terjadi di Mesir hanya berlangsung sesaat. Pada tanggal 3 Juli 2013 militer melakukan kudeta terhadap Mursi. Kudeta yang terjadi di Mesir merupakan bentuk dari lemahnya kontrol sipil terhadap militer. Mursi gagal melakukan kontrol terhadap militer sehingga ia tidak bisa mencegah tindakan militer yang menurunkannya secara paksa melalui jalan kudeta. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui faktor-faktor apa yang mempengaruhi hubungan sipil militer di masa kepemimpinan Mursi dan bagaimana faktor-faktor tersebut menyebabkan lemahnya kontrol sipil terhadap militer sehingga menyebabkan terjadi kudeta militer. Penelitian ini menggunakan beberapa teori, diantaranya adalah teori hubungan sipil militer, teori tentara pretorian, teori kudeta dan teori kepentingan internasional. Dalam tesis ini penulis menguraikan mengenai faktor-faktor yang mempengaruhi kegagalan kontrol sipil terhadap militer sehingga menimbulkan kudeta. Faktor-faktor tersebut adalah; 1) Tipikal militer Mesir yang merupakan tentara pretorian dan doktrin yang dianut militer. 2) Kepentingan dan intervensi negara-negara asing terhadap Mesir. 3) Fragmentasi kelompok sipil di Mesir yang bersifat fratricidal (saling menjatuhkan). ......The revolution that occurred in Egypt in 2011 brought a wave of democratization in Egypt. It also provided an opportunity for the Muslim Brotherhood, which had been repressed by the government, to perform in politics through its political wing, the Freedom and Justice Party (FJP). Through the 2012 elections, the FJP was able to acquire up to 45 percent voice and its presidential candidate, Mohammed Mursi was elected president by a vote of 51.7 percent. But unfortunately democratization in Egypt only lasted a moment. On July 3, 2013 the military staged a coup against Mursi. The coup happened in Egypt was a form of weak civilian control over the military. Mursi failed to exercise control over the military so a military coup was inevitable, forcing him into detention. This study aims to determine the factors that affect civil-military relations during Mursi‟s administration and how these factors lead to lack of civilian control over the military that led to a military coup. This study uses several theories, including the theory of civil-military relations, theory of praetorian army, coup theory and theory of international interest. In this thesis, the author outlines the factors affecting the failure of civilian control over the military, giving rise to a coup. These factors are; 1) Egypt praetorian military and the doctrine it adopted. 2) The interest and intervention of foreign countries on Egypt. 3) Fragmentation of civil groups in Egypt who are fratricidal, each against other."