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Abstrak :
Dalam penelitian ini terdapat dua permasalahan yakni: 1) Bagaimanakah persoalan pengaturan dalam pencalonan pemilihan kepala daerah dengan munculnya dinasti politik dalam demokrasi? 2) Bagaimana dampak dinasti politik terhadap prinsip checks and balances di daerah? Jenis yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah penelitian hukum normatif. Penelitian ini menyimpulkan terdapat beberapa permasalahan dalam pengaturan pencalonan pemilihan kepala daerah dengan munculnya dinasti politik yang berdampak pada prinsip checks and balances di daerah. Pemasalahan mengenai pengaturan dalam syarat calon kepala daerah dan juga 4 (empat) kasus di daerah dengar berlatar belakang dinasti politik yang berdampak pada prinsip checks and balances di daerah. Penelitian ini merekomendasikan DPR dan Presiden seharusnya melalukan penyempurnaan dalam mekanisme dan syarat pencalonan kepala daerah dalam Undang-Undang Pemilahan Kepala Daerah terhadap munculnya dinasti politik tanpa membatasi hak konstitusional warga negara, mengatur kembali ketentuan mengenai uji publik dengan mempertimbangkan masalah waktu dan anggaran, serta perlu mengkaji kembali mengenai syarat ambang batas dalam pencalonan kepala daerah. ......In this research, there are two problems, namely: 1) How is the issue of regulation in the nomination of regional head elections with the emergence of political dynasties in democracy? 2) What is the impact of political dynasties on the principle of checks and balances in the regions? The type used in this research is normative legal research. This research concludes that there are several problems in regulating the nomination of regional head elections with the emergence of political dynasties which have an impact on the principle of checks and balancb es in the regions. Problems regarding the regulation of the requirements for regional head candidates as well as 4 (four) cases in the hearing area with a political dynasty background that have an impact on the principle of checks and balances in the regions. This research recommends that the DPR and the President should make improvements to the mechanism and requirements for nomination of regional heads in the Law on the Sorting of Regional Heads against the emergence of political dynasties without limiting the constitutional rights of citizens, re-arrange the provisions on public examinations by considering time and budget issues, and need to review again regarding the threshold requirements in the nomination of regional heads.

Abstrak :
Tesis ini membahas kemenangan partai Congress pada Pemilu Lok Sabha India tahun 2004. Faktor-faktor internal dan eksternal yang menyebabkan partai Congress menang pada Pemilu India 2004 akan dijelaskan dalam penelitian ini. Pemilu India 2004 ini, sebelumnya telah diprediksi akan dimenangkan oleh partai BJP, partai yang sedang memerintah India sejak tahun 1999-2004. Sementara partai Congress, partai yang pernah menguasai India sejak tahun 1950-an hingga 1980-an, diprediksi tidak akan muncul lagi untuk memerintah India. Teori yang akan digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah teori partai politik oleh Alen Ware, teori dinansti politik oleh G. Mosca dan Stephen Hess, serta teori koalisi pra-pemilu oleh Sona Nadenichek. Ketiga teori ini menjadi teori inti penelitian ini. Sementara teori kepemimpinan oleh Weber dan Selligman, teori budaya politik oleh Almond dan Verba, serta teori marketing politik oleh Marshment merupakan teori pendukung. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif. Data-data diperoleh dari buku-buku, jurnal-jurnal, artikel-artikel, internet serta wawancara dengan Niraja Jaya Gopal dan Sanjay Kumar. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa kemenangan partai Congress pada Pemilu Lok Sabha India Tahun 2004 merupakan perpaduan dari faktor internal dan eksternal. Faktor internal diantaranya, pertama krisis kepemimpinan dalam partai Congress dapat diatasi ketika Sonia Gandhi menjadi ketua partai Congress. Kedua, partai Congress menawarkan pemerintahan yang bersifat inklusif dengan slogan kampanye Aam Aadmi atau orang awam menjelang Pemilu 2004. Ketiga, berbeda dengan kebijakan pada Pemilu 1999, partai Congress berhasil membangun koalisi pra-pemilu dengan 18 partai regional lainnya pada Pemilu 2004. Faktor eksternal diantaranya, pertama perubahan perilaku pemilih India dari pemilih yang tradisional menjadi pemilih yang berorientasikan isu atau lebih rasional. Kedua, kebijakan-kebijakan di bawah pemerintahan BJP sebagian besar bersifat eksklusif. Temuan penelitian diantaranya adalah perubahan strategi pemilu partai Congress yang menerapkan pembangunan koalisi pra-pemilu dengan partai-partai regional lainnya. Kebijakan-kebijakan partai BJP yang eksklusif ternyata tidak berhasil. Dinasti politik sangat berpengaruh dalam perpolitikan India. Implikasi teoritis untuk teori partai politik Alen Ware terbukti dalam penelitian ini. Teori dinasti politik G. Mosca dan Stephen Hess juga terbukti dalam penelitian ini. Untuk teori koalisi pra-pemilu Golder, yaitu koalisi prapemilu umumnya terjadi di negara dengan sistem pemiludisproposrionalitas dan multipartai, terbukti. Akan tetapi, pendapat Golder untuk perundingan pembagian jabatan-jabatan dan penetapan kebijakan-kebijakan koalisi sebelum pemilu, tidak ditemukan dalam penelitian ini. Prakteknya, perundingan pembagian jabatanjabatan menteri dan pembentukan kebijakan-kebijakan koalisi dilakukan setelah hasil pemilu diketahui. ...... The purpose of this thesis is to investigate the victory of Congress party in the 2004 Indian Lok Sabha Election. The internal and external factors that led the Congress party in winning the 2004 India's election will be described in this research. The 2004 India's election had previously been predicted to be won by the BJP party, a party which had been ruling India since the year 1999-2004. While the Congress party, the party that once ruled India from the 1950s to the 1980s, was predicted not to rule India anymore. The theory applied in this research is based on the political party theory by Alen Ware, political dynasty theory by G. Mosca and Stephen Hess, as well as, the pre-election coalition theory by Sona Nadenichek. The third theory becomes the ground theory of this research. This research is also supported by the leadership theory by Weber and Selligman, political culture theory by Almond and Verba, and the theory of political marketing by Marshment. This research is conducted by implementing qualitative methods. The data are obtained from books, journals, articles, internet, as well as, interviews with Niraja Jaya Gopal and Sanjay Kumar. The results of this research indicate that the victory of Congress Party in the Indian 2004 Lok Sabha Election is a combination of internal and external factors. The internal factors range from; first, a crisis of leadership in the Congress Party was successfully overcome when Sonia Gandhi was the head of the Party. Second, Congress Party offered an inclusive governmental with its campaign slogan 'Aam Aadmi' or common people towards the 2004 election. Third, in contrast to the policy in the 1999 election, Congress Party managed to build a pre-election coalition with 18 other regional parties in the 2004 election. A change of behavior in India's voters from traditional voters to an issue-oriented or more rational voter becomes one of the external factors of the victory of Congress Party in 2004. Second, the policy under the BJP's governmental is mostly exclusive. The results of this research provide evidence of a change in the election strategy executed by the Congress party. This party applied a pre-election coalition development with other regional parties. The exclusive policies implemented by BJP party did not work accordingly. Political dynasty has a great influence in India's politic. The theoretical implication of Alen Ware's political party theory is proved right in this research, as well as the theory of political dynasties by G. Mosca and Stephen Hess. The theory of pre-election coalition by Golder that generally occurs in countries with multiparty electoral systems is also proved right. However, the opinion of Golder to negotiate the sharing of positions and the stipulation of the coalition policies prior to the election, are not found in this research. In fact, the negotiation for sharing positions of ministers and the establishment of the coalition policies were executed after the result of the election came out.

Abstrak :
[ABSTRAK
Penelitian ini hendak mengetahui perkembangan bosisme lokal di Indonesia pada era desentralisasi. Penelitian akan terfokus pada kemunculan Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar sebagai bos lokal serta penguatan jaringan yang ia lakukan. Peneliti menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan pendekatan wawancara mendalam, observasi dan pengumpulan dokumen. Teori yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini yaitu teori mengenai orang kuat lokal, teori mengenai bossisme lokal, teori dinasti politik dan teori mengenai hubungan patron-klien.

Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa kemunculan Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar sebagai bos lokal dimulai sejak ia menduduki jabatan bupati. Selain itu, melemahnya kontrol DPRD Polewali Mandar turut mempermudah langkahnya untuk menjadi bos lokal. Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar melakukan money politics atau political buying untuk mempertahankan kekuasaannya. Kekuatan politik Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar didukung Partai Golkar dan Partai Gerindra di Polewali Mandar. Ia juga merangkul kalangan agamawan, jurnalis/pers lokal, jaringan birokrasi, hingga para pengusaha lokal dalam memperkuat kekuasaannya. Status kebangsawanan Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar menjadi modal sosial di tengah masyarakat Mandar yang bersifat patrimodial, hal ini semakin meperkuat eksistensinya sebagai bos lokal di Polewali Mandar. Selain itu, Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar juga mempunyai modal ekonomi yang kuat, ia di kenal sebagai keluarga yang kaya raya dan kontrol terhadap sumber-sumber ekonomi berupa proyek pemerintah.

Implikasi teori memperlihatkan bahwa kekuasaan Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar tidak sepenuhnya memenuhi kriteria yang dimaksud dalam teori local strongmen atau local bossism. Salah satu kriteria yang tidak terpenuhi ialah penggunaan kekerasan, intimidasi terhadap lawan politiknya. Akan tetapi, hal ini tidak mengugurkan keberadaan Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar sebagai bos lokal karena kekuasaan yang dimiliki sudah membentuk dinasti polit;This research seek to understand the development of local bosism in Indonesia during the decentralization era. The research will focus on the emerge of Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar as local boss as well as his strengthening of the the network he conducted. This research was applying qualitative method with deep interview approach, observation and documents collecting. The Theory used in this research was a theory concerning local strong person, theory concerning local bossism, political dynasty theory and theory concerning patronge-client. The research result shows that the arising of Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar as local boss began since he was appointed as Head of Regency (Bupati). Beside that, the weakening of control on Polewali Mandar Regional Representative (DPRD) contributed facilitating his steps to become a local bos. Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar conducted money politics or political buying to defense his power. Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar?s political power was supported by Golkar Party and Gerindra Party in Polewali Mandar. He also embraced religious prominent, journalists/local pers, bureaucrat network, until local businessman in strengthening his power. The nobility status of Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar became a social capital among Mandar community which having patrimodial nature, this strengthened his existeance as local bos in Polewali Mandar. Beside that, Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar also had a strong economical capital, he was prominent as a rich and welthy family and has a control on economical resources such as government projects. The theory implication shows that the power of Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar did not meet the criteria mentioned in the teori local strongmen theory or local bossism. One of the criteria which did not met was the using of strength, intimidation to the opposite politicians. But, this did not vanishing the existance of Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar as local boss since the power he owed had established a political dynasty supporting by three elements politicians, bureaucration, and businessman.;This research seek to understand the development of local bosism in Indonesia during the decentralization era. The research will focus on the emerge of Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar as local boss as well as his strengthening of the the network he conducted. This research was applying qualitative method with deep interview approach, observation and documents collecting. The Theory used in this research was a theory concerning local strong person, theory concerning local bossism, political dynasty theory and theory concerning patronge-client. The research result shows that the arising of Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar as local boss began since he was appointed as Head of Regency (Bupati). Beside that, the weakening of control on Polewali Mandar Regional Representative (DPRD) contributed facilitating his steps to become a local bos. Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar conducted money politics or political buying to defense his power. Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar?s political power was supported by Golkar Party and Gerindra Party in Polewali Mandar. He also embraced religious prominent, journalists/local pers, bureaucrat network, until local businessman in strengthening his power. The nobility status of Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar became a social capital among Mandar community which having patrimodial nature, this strengthened his existeance as local bos in Polewali Mandar. Beside that, Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar also had a strong economical capital, he was prominent as a rich and welthy family and has a control on economical resources such as government projects. The theory implication shows that the power of Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar did not meet the criteria mentioned in the teori local strongmen theory or local bossism. One of the criteria which did not met was the using of strength, intimidation to the opposite politicians. But, this did not vanishing the existance of Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar as local boss since the power he owed had established a political dynasty supporting by three elements politicians, bureaucration, and businessman., This research seek to understand the development of local bosism in Indonesia during the decentralization era. The research will focus on the emerge of Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar as local boss as well as his strengthening of the the network he conducted. This research was applying qualitative method with deep interview approach, observation and documents collecting. The Theory used in this research was a theory concerning local strong person, theory concerning local bossism, political dynasty theory and theory concerning patronge-client. The research result shows that the arising of Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar as local boss began since he was appointed as Head of Regency (Bupati). Beside that, the weakening of control on Polewali Mandar Regional Representative (DPRD) contributed facilitating his steps to become a local bos. Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar conducted money politics or political buying to defense his power. Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar’s political power was supported by Golkar Party and Gerindra Party in Polewali Mandar. He also embraced religious prominent, journalists/local pers, bureaucrat network, until local businessman in strengthening his power. The nobility status of Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar became a social capital among Mandar community which having patrimodial nature, this strengthened his existeance as local bos in Polewali Mandar. Beside that, Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar also had a strong economical capital, he was prominent as a rich and welthy family and has a control on economical resources such as government projects. The theory implication shows that the power of Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar did not meet the criteria mentioned in the teori local strongmen theory or local bossism. One of the criteria which did not met was the using of strength, intimidation to the opposite politicians. But, this did not vanishing the existance of Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar as local boss since the power he owed had established a political dynasty supporting by three elements politicians, bureaucration, and businessman.]

Abstrak :
Tesis ini menganalisis penyebab dan proses kemenangan Ansar Ahmad pada kompetisi pemilihan Gubernur Kepulauan Riau tahun 2020. Penelitian ini memberi kontribusi dengan mengajukan argumen baru yakni bagaimana basis legitimasi sosial yang dimiliki oleh dinasti politik berperan dalam kompetisi pilkada dan dapat mengalahkan petahana yang berasal dari dinasti politik. Penelitian ini menggunakan teori yang disebut Nishizaki (2004) sebagai identitas sosial positif. Teknik pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan wawancara mendalam kepada narasumber penelitian, serta pengumpulan data sekunder berupa dokumen-dokumen terkait. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa Ansar Ahmad memenangkan kompetisi pemilihan Gubernur Kepulauan Riau pada tahun 2020 karena mampu menciptakan identitas sosial positif bagi daerahnya dan mampu menjawab permasalahan yang menjadi narasi sosial kolektif sehingga membuat Ansar memiliki basis legitimasi sosial yang kuat di Kepulauan Riau. Namun berdasarkan penelitian, meskipun Ansar Ahmad memiliki basis legitimasi sosial yang kuat, basis legitimasi sosial tersebut tidak dapat membentuk dan menjamin keberhasilan dari anggota dinasti politik lainnya. Teori identitas sosial positif memberi sumbangan penting terhadap pembentukan simbol-simbol yang telah diciptakan Ansar Ahmad. Perbedaannya adalah dalam hal sumber daya produksi simbol, Nishizaki (2004) menjelaskan sumber produksi simbol dilakukan dengan menggunakan dana pribadi, memanfaatkan kelembagaan yang patrimonial, dan menjadi pengusaha politik. Sedangkan Ansar Ahmad memproduksi simbol-simbol melalui pemanfaatan SKPD, investor dan menjadi pengusaha politik dengan menggunakan pendanaan dari APBD, APBN, PAD dan investasi pihak swasta. ......This thesis analyzes the causes and process of Ansar Ahmad's victory in the 2020 Kepulauan Riau Governor election competition. This research contributes by proposing a new argument, namely how the basis of social legitimacy owned by political dynasties plays a role in regional election competition and can defeat incumbents from political dynasties. This study uses a theory called Nishizaki (2004) as a positive social identity. Data collection techniques were carried out by in-depth interviews with research informants, as well as secondary data collection in the form of related documents. The results of this study indicate that Ansar Ahmad won the competition for the governor of Kepulauan Riau in 2020 because he was able to create a positive social identity for his region and was able to answer problems that became a collective social narrative, thus making Ansar have a strong social legitimacy base in Kepulauan Riau. However, based on this research, although Ansar Ahmad has a strong social legitimacy base, that social legitimacy basis cannot form and guarantee the success of members of other political dynasties. Positive social identity theory makes an important contribution to the formation of the symbols that Ansar Ahmad has created. The difference is in terms of symbol production resources, Nishizaki (2004) explains that the source of symbol production is done by using personal funds, utilizing patrimonial institutions, and becoming political entrepreneurs. Meanwhile, Ansar Ahmad produces symbols through the use of SKPD, investors and becomes a political entrepreneur using funding from the APBD, APBN, PAD and private investment.

Abstrak :
Tujuan utama penelitian ini adalah untuk menguji apakah variabel kesehatan dan variabel infrastruktur berkorelasi pada keterpilihan dinasti politik di pilkada Kabupaten/Kota di Indonesia tahun 2017-2020. Penelitian ini menguji dengan menggunakan data rata-rata 5 tahun sebelum pilkada 2017, 2018 dan 2020 dan sample yang digunakan adalah 508 Kabupaten/Kota yang mengikuti pilkada. Penelitian ini menggunakan model regresi probit dan model regresi heckprobit untuk menguji apakah probabilita keterpilihan dinasti politik dipengaruhi oleh variabel kesehatan yang diproksikan oleh kepersertaan jaminan kesehatan milik pemerintah dan variabel infrastruktur yang diproksikan kondisi jalan mantap. Hasil kontrol selection bias menunjukan bahwa interest variable kesehatan yaitu BPJS Non-PBI signifikan menurunkan probabilita keterpilihan dinasti politik. Arah negatif ini merupakan bentuk retropective economic voting pada dinasti politik, dimana setiap kenaikan 1% kepesertaan BPJS Non-PBI menurunkan probabilita keterpilihan dinasti politik. Hal ini disebabkan oleh karena voters yang menganggap bahwa pemerintah tidak memiliki peran dalam penyediaan fasilitas kesehatan yang gratis karena yang membayar iuran kepesertaan BPJS Non-PBI adalah pemberi kerja atau harus membayar sendiri secara mandiri. Sedangkan interest variable infrastruktur berupa kondisi jalan mantap signifikan meningkatkan probabilita keterpilihan dinasti politik. Hal ini mengindikasikan bahwa politik perbaikan kondisi jalan efektif meningkatkan elektabilitas dinasti politik dan masyarakat menjadikan kondisi jalan sebagai alat retrospective economic voting pada dinasti politik. ......The main purpose of this study was to examine whether the health variable and the infrastructure variable were correlated with the electability of in the district/city elections in Indonesia in 2017-2020. This study tested using an average of 5 years before the 2017, 2018 and 2020 elections and the sample used was 508 districts/cities that took part in the local elections. This study uses a probit regression model and a heck-probit regression model to test whether the probability of electing a political dynasty is influenced by the health variable as proxied by government health insurance participation and the infrastructure variable as a proxy for steady road conditions. The results of the selection bias control show that the health interest variable, namely BPJS Non-PBI, significantly reduces the probability of being elected to a political dynasty. This negative direction is a form of retrospective economic voting in political dynasties, where every 1% increase in BPJS Non-PBI membership reduces the probability of being elected to a political dynasty. This is due to voters who think that the government has no role in providing free health facilities because those who pay membership fees for BPJS Non-PBI are employers or have to pay for it themselves. Meanwhile, the infrastructure interest variable in the form of steady road conditions significantly increases the probability of being elected to a political dynasty. This indicates that the politics of improving road conditions is effective in increasing the electability of political dynasties and the community makes road conditions a tool for retrospective economic voting in political dynasties.political dynasties

Abstrak :
Apakah dinasti politik berdampak pada belanja daerah? Dinasti politik dikaitkan dengan persaingan politik tidak sehat dan tidak optimalnya kebijakan publik. Studi ini menyajikan analisis empiris yang berfokus pada politik daerah sebagai bagian desentralisasi di Indonesia. Menggunakan sampel dua kandidat terbaik dalam setiap pemilihan umum kepala daerah (Pilkada) langsung tahun 2005-2018, penelitian ini menguji pengaruh terpilihnya kepala daerah dinasti dalam Pilkada terhadap belanja daerah, khususnya belanja menurut fungsi tingkat kabupaten/kota. Kami menganalisis apakah kepala daerah dinasti memiliki kebijakan berbeda pada belanja daerah dibanding kepala daerah non-dinasti menggunakan metode Regression Discontinuity Design (RDD). Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa kepala daerah dinasti berpengaruh negatif terhadap belanja daerah. Selain itu, kepala daerah dinasti petahana memberi dampak negatif pada belanja ‘visible’. Sementara efek signifikan kepala daerah dinasti non-petahana pada belanja daerah terkait dengan kurangnya pengalaman pada masa jabatan pertama. Studi ini juga menemukan lebih banyak dampak negatif dari terhadap belanja daerah oleh kepemimpiman kepala daerah dinasti yang terpilih pada pilkada serentak (2015-2018). ......Does political dynasty affect local spending? This study provides empirical analysis that focuses on local politics as a part of decentralization in Indonesia. Using the sample of two best candidates on the direct mayoral election in the period 2005-2018, we observe the effect of political dynasty winning in mayoral election on local spending that focuses on functional-classified expenditure at the district level. Based on Regression Discontinuity Design (RDD) estimation, we examine whether the dynasty mayors have different policies through local spending compared to the non-dynasty mayor. Applying some covariates, this study finds negative effect of dynasty mayor on local spending. The incumbent dynasty mayor gives negative effects on ‘visible’ expenditure, while the non-incumbent dynasty mayor gives significant effects that are associated with less experience issue on the first mayoral term. This study finds also finds more negative effects on local spending of the dynasty mayor elected after 2015.

Abstrak :
Banten identik dengan politik dinastinya yang sudah mengakar. Kemenangan seorang calon dengan latar belakang dinasti merupakan hal biasa di Banten. Namun, hal ini tentu memberikan tantangan tersendiri bagi calon dengan latar belakang non-dinasti dalam memenangkan suaranya di daerah-daerah pemilihan. Penelitian ini mencoba melihat strategi politik yang digunakan Ali Zamroni sebagai calon anggota legislatif tahaun 2019 yang berhasil memenangkan suaranya di Dapil Banten 1. Ali merupakan caleg dengan latar belakang non-dinasti yang berhasil memenangkan suaranya di antara klan dinasti terkuat di Banten. Tentu, fenomena ini sangat jarang ditemui. Penelitian ini menganalisis strategi politik yang digunakan Ali Zamroni dengan menggunakan Teori Strategi Politik milik Peter Schroder. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan studi kepustakaan. Temuan penelitian menunjukkan bahwa Ali Zamroni berhasil mendapatkan dukungan dengan menerapkan strategi berbasis data, lewat survei dan pemetaan dapil. Berbeda dengan pendekatan caleg dari dinasti politik yang memandang data sebagai bagian dari alat bantu pelaksanaan kampanye. Selain itu, Ali Zamroni melakukan kampanye door-to-door dan membawa fokus isu yang berbeda ke masyarakat, seperti isu kesejahteraan tani dan infrastruktur. Sementara caleg dari dinasti politik cenderung berfokus pada isu-isu besar, seperti ekonomi dan pendidikan. Ali Zamroni mampu memberikan penawaran baru dengan menyuarakan kebutuhan yang lebih mendalam dan nyata dari masyarakat. ......Banten is synonymous with deep-rooted dynastic politics. The victory of a candidate with a dynastic background is common in Banten. However, this certainly presents its own challenges for candidates with non-dynastic backgrounds in winning their votes in electoral districts. This research tries to look at the political strategy used by Ali Zamroni as a legislative candidate in 2019 who succeeded in winning his vote in the Banten 1 electoral district. Ali is a legislative candidate with a non-dynastic background who succeeded in winning his vote among the strongest dynastic clan in Banten. Of course, this phenomenon is very rare. This research analyzes the political strategy used by Ali Zamroni using Peter Schroder's Political Strategy Theory. This research uses qualitative methods with literature study. Research findings show that Ali Zamroni succeeded in gaining support by implementing data-based strategies, through surveys and electoral district mapping. This is different from the approach of legislative candidates from political dynasties who view data as part of the boundaries of campaign implementation. Apart from that, Ali Zamroni carried out door-to-door campaigns and brought different focus issues to the community, such as farmer welfare and infrastructure issues. Meanwhile, legislative candidates from political dynasties tend to focus on big issues, such as the economy and education. Ali Zamroni is able to provide new offers by voicing deeper and more real needs from the community.

Abstrak :
ABSTRAK Penelitian ini membahas mengenai Andal Ampatuan sebagai bos lokal di Provinsi Maguindanao yang mampu bertahan sebagai Gubernur Provinsi Maguindanao tahun 2001-2010 di era demokrasi Filipina. Teori yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini yaitu teori mengenai bossisme lokal, konsep kekuasaan dan teori pork barrel. Penelitian menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif. Bos lokal merupakan broker kekuasaan melalui kepemilikan monopoli atas sumber daya kekerasan dan ekonomi dalam satu wilayah yang berada di bawah kekuasaannya. Kemunculan bos lokal di Filipina berkaitan erat dengan budaya bossisme yang telah terbentuk sejak era kolonial Spanyol dan Amerika Serikat serta terus bertahan hingga sekarang, di mana para keluarga kaya yang sebelumnya menjadi tuan tanah dan elit lokal tersebut kemudian terlibat dalam konteks politik. Dalam praktiknya, para bos lokal tersebut berupaya untuk menguasai politik di tingkat lokal dengan terlibat dalam pemilihan umum dan menjabat sebagai kepala pemerintahan di tingkat lokal seperti menjadi walikota atau gubernur. Andal Ampatuan merupakan bos lokal di Maguindanao. Andal Ampatuan menjadi Gubernur Provinsi Maguindanao tahun 2001-2010. Faktor-faktor bertahannya kekuasaan Andal Ampatuan sebagai Gubernur Provinsi Maguindanao adalah politik uang, kekerasan politik dan membangun dinasti politik. Keberadaan bos lokal menjadi tantangan bagi berlangsungnya demokrasi di Filipina.

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ABSTRACT This thesis aim to explore about Andal Ampatuan rsquo s role as a local boss in Maguindanao Province in the era of Philippines democracy. The theory used in this thesis are the theory of local bossism, the concept of power and theory of pork barrel. Furthermore, this thesis also use qualitative research method. The local boss is a power broker through the possession of a monopoly over the resources of violence and the economy in a territory under his control. The appearance of local bosses in Philippines is closely related to the culture of bossism that has been formed since the colonial era of Spain and the United States that continuesly survive until now, where the rich families who previously occupied the land and local elites are then involved in the political context. In practice, the local bosses seek to dominate politics at the local level by engaging in elections and serving as heads of government at the local level such as the mayor or governor. Andal Ampatuan is a local boss in Maguindanao. Andal Ampatuan became Governor of Maguindanao Province in 2001 2010. Thus, the survival factors of Andal Ampatuan as a Governor of Maguindanao for nine years are money politics, political violence and political dynasties. In another words, The presence of local bosses poses a challenge to democracy in Philippines.

Abstrak :
Penelitian ini membahas mengenai pengaruh dinasti politik pada kegagalan implementasi kebijakan di Sri Lanka tahun 2019-2022. Mengacu pada teori implementasi kebijakan yang dikemukakan oleh George S. Edwards, dinasti politik yang mengakar pada perpolitikan Sri Lanka mampu mempengaruhi implementasi kebijakan ekonomi di Sri Lanka. Tulisan ini menyoroti beberapa faktor dan pengaruh yang mengakibatkan krisis keuangan Sri Lanka. Temuan dari penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa politik dinasti dengan anggota keluarga Gotabaya Rajapaksa yang mengisi jabatan strategis mampu mempengaruhi kebijakan ekonomi di Sri Lanka pada tahun 2019-2022. Sebagaimana yang telah dikemukakan oleh George S. Edward terkait empat variable yang harus dipenuhi demi keberhasilan implementasi kebijakan. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan melakukan studi literatur dan ingin membuktikan hipotesis sementara bahwa dinasti politik keluarga Rajapaksa pada prosesnya mampu memengaruhi implementasi kebijakan yang berujung pada kegagalaan ekonomi pada tahun 2022. Politik dinasti yang memegang jabatan strategis kemudian menghasilkan kebijakan yang kurang matang dan menyebabkan gagalannya kebijakan tersebut yang berujung pada kegagalan ekonomi. ......This research discusses the influence of political dynasties on the failure of policy implementation in Sri Lanka in 2019-2022. Referring to the theory of policy implementation put forward by George S. Edwards, political dynasties that are rooted in Sri Lankan politics are able to influence the implementation of economic policies in Sri Lanka. This paper examines several factors and influences that resulted in the Sri Lankan financial crisis. The findings from this study indicate that dynastic politics with members of the Gotabaya Rajapaksa family filling strategic positions can influence economic policy in Sri Lanka in 2019-2022. As stated by George S. Edward the four variables that must be met for the successful implementation of the policy. This research uses qualitative methods by conducting literature studies and wants to prove the provisional hypothesis that the political dynasty of the Rajapaksa family in the process is able to influence the implementation of policies that lead to economic failure in 2022. Political dynasties holding strategic positions then produce policies that are inconsiderable and cause policy failure which led to economic failure.

Abstrak :
Peneliti berargumen bahwa dominasi kepemimpinan dinasti politik Nehru-Gandhi telah mempengaruhi proses institusionalisasi Partai Indian National Congress (INC) pada tahun 2004-2014. Lebih lanjut, dalam mengidentifikasi fenomena tersebut, peneliti menggunakan model teori dimensions in party institutionalization milik Randall dan Svåsand dan didukung dengan konsep hereditary succession yang dicetuskan oleh Tullock. Melalui metode kualitatif, peneliti memperoleh beberapa temuan dalam penelitian ini, yaitu pengaruh dominasi dinasti Nehru-Gandhi pada era kepemimpinan Sonia Gandhi terdapat pada dimensi internal dan eksternal partai INC. Pada dimensi internal terdapat pada aspek-aspek berupa pembenahan sistem organisasi INC dan upaya penegakkan infusi nilai dan nilai-nilai kepartaian dalam perumusan kebijakan. Sementara, pada dimensi eksternal pengaruh dominasi dapat terlihat dalam upaya memperluas konsituensi dengan memberikan citra inklusivitas sosial kepada masyarakat India dan mempertahankan otonomi pengambilan keputusan partai dengan menjadikan partai tersebut sebagai partai pemimpin koalisi dari koalisi United Progressive Alliance (UPA) di tengah skandal yang menyebabkan keluarnya beberapa partai anggota koalisi. Suksesi kepemimpinan berdasarkan garis keturunan diidentifikasi dengan pengangkatan Rahul Gandhi sebagai Wakil Presiden INC pada tahun 2013. Atas dasar temuan tersebut, peneliti menyimpulkan bahwa dinasti politik Nehru-Gandhi berhasil dalam mempengaruhi proses institusionalisasi partai INC melalui dimensi internal dan eksternal partai tersebut, serta melaksanakan hereditary succession pada periode kepemimpinan Sonia Gandhi tahun 2004-2014. ...... This study argues that the dominance of Nehru-Gandhis political dynasty leadership had influenced the institutionalization of the Indian National Congress (INC) Party in 2004-2014. Furthermore, in identifying the phenomenon, researcher used the Randall and Svåsands dimensions in party institutionalization model theory and supported by the concept of hereditary succession which was initiated by Tullock. Through qualitative method, researcher has found several findings in this study, that influences by the Nehru-Gandhi dynasty in Sonia Gandhis period of leadership were found in the internal and external dimensions of INC as a party. In internal dimensions were found in aspects such as revamping the organizational system of INC and efforts to enforce identity values (ideology) and party values in policy formulation. Meanwhile, on the external dimension the influence of domination was an effort to expand the constituency by giving the party social inclusiveness image to Indian society and maintaining the autonomy of the INC by making it a coalition leader party of the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) amid scandals which led to the resignations of several party members of the coalition. Hereditary succession was identified with the appointment of Rahul Gandhi as INC Vice-President in 2013. On the basis of these findings, the researcher concluded that Nehru-Gandhi political dynasty had succeeded in influencing the institutionalization process of the INC party through the partys internal and external dimensions, also succeded the hereditary succession in the period of Sonia Gandhis leadership in 2004-2014.