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"Indonesia adalah negara yang memiliki keanekaragaman suku, budaya, dan ras. Akan tetapi, pluralitas yang ada saat ini sedang diuji dalam penyelesaian terhadap permasalahan Papua. Salah satu peristiwa yang menjadi awal perdebatan adalah hasil dari Perjanjian New York tahun 1962. Konflik Papua telah ada sejak masa transisi dari orde lama ke orde baru. Tindakan kekerasan yang dilakukan oleh militer dalam upayanya untuk menyelesaikan konflik Papua seringkali menjadi cara untuk meredam justru memperpanjang konflik. Sejak masa orde baru penggunaan kekuatan militer semakin meningkat dan hingga saat ini pendekatan militeristik masih gencar dilakukan. Tidak hanya berhenti di situ saja, isu lain yang menjadi persoalan di Papua adalah kemiskinan yang terjadi. Persoalan lain yang muncul adalah diskriminasi dan rasisme yang ditujukan kepada orang asli Papua. Dengan menggunakan konsep rekognisi dari Axel Honneth. Rekognisi adalah perjuangan untuk pengakuan untuk mengubah kondisi yang ada di dalam masyarakat. Penelitian ini berusaha untuk mengungkap permasalahan fundamental dan merefleksikan konflik Papua dalam pendekatan filosofis. Metode yang dipakai dalam penelitian ini adalah analisis konseptual, refleksi kritis, dan abduksi. Dari hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa konflik Papua telah menjadi patologi sosial dan orang asli Papua itu sendiri juga harus terlibat aktif sebagai subjek yang mengemansipasi dirinya dan bukan lagi sebagai objek pembangunan semata.

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Indonesia is a country that has ethnic, cultural and racial diversity. However, the current plurality is being challenged in solving the Papuan problem. One of the events that started the debate was the outcome of the 1962 New York Agreement. The Papuan conflict has existed since the transition from the old order to the new order. Violent acts carried out by the military in its efforts to resolve the Papuan discord are often a way to dampen and prolong the conflict. Since the New Order era, the use of military force has been increasing and until now, the militaristic approach is still being carried out vigorously. It doesn't just stop there, an additional issue in Papua is the problem of poverty. That results in discrimination and racism directed at indigenous Papuans. Using the concept of recognition from Axel Honneth. Recognition is struggle for changing the reality that happens in society. This study seeks to uncover fundamental problems and reflect on the Papuan conflict in a philosophical approach. The method used in this research is conceptual analysis, critical reflection, and abduction. The results of this study indicate that the Papuan conflict has become a social pathology and the indigenous Papuans themselves must also be actively involved as subjects who emancipate themselves and are no longer mere objects of development."

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Film menggambarkan perempuan dan laki-laki dengan cara yang berbeda. Beberapa mencoba untuk menaikkan derajat perempuan, dan beberapa masih menyajikan nilai-nilai tradisional. Artikel ini meneliti representasi karakter perempuan utama pada film The Incredibles 1 dan 2 yang terlihat mendukung emansipasi perempuan melewati karakter superhero. Namun, masih terdapat beberapa hal dalam potongan adegan film yang mengindikasi bahwa film ini tidak sepenuhnya mengemansipasi perempuan. Tujuan dari artikel ini yaitu untuk mempelajari bagaimana perempuan digambarkan melalui visual dan peran pada setiap karakter di The Incredibles 1 dan2. Hasil analisis menunjukkan bahwa karakter perempuan pada film masih menjunjung tinggi nilai-nilai tradisional, seperti dominasi oleh laki-laki, sehingga membuktikan bahwa film-film ini tidak merepresentasikan kebebasan pada perempuan. Lebih lagi, melalui tubuhnya, perempuan masih terlihat direndahkan dan diobjektifikasi. Oleh karena itu, film-film ini dapat disimpulkan sebagai pseudo-empowerment, yaitu ketika sesuatu terlihat memberikan kebebasan namun nyatanya tidak samasekali.

 

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Movies represent women differently from men. Some try to raise women’s dignity, and some still impose traditional values on them. This paper uses The Incredibles 1 and 2 to analyze because it seems unusual when women become the main character of superhero movies. This paper studies the representation of the primary female character in The Incredibles 1 and 2 that seems to support some women’s emancipation through the character that is portrayed as a superhero. However, there are some ideas conveyed through the mise-en-scéne that still indicate that the movie series do not fully emancipate women. The purpose of this paper is to examine how women are represented through visuals and character roles in The Incredibles 1 and 2. The method of this paper is critical discourse analysis of film which analyzes the language beyond it is sentence, and aspects outside the language, such as power relation, social context and ideology. The result of the analysis shows that the female character in the movies still upholds traditional values, such as male domination, revealing that these movies are not emancipatory for women. Moreover, women are still degraded and objectified through their body. Therefore, these movies can be seen as a form of pseudo-empowerment, where something is seen as empowering but actually it isnot.

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"Disajikan ulangnya Voluntary Servitude dalam tataran politis menghadirkan alur baru dalam memandang politik, terkhusus pada praktik kuasa atau relasi dominasi, bahwa dominasi terjadi bukan karena pemaksaan kehendak dari yang berkuasa kepada yang dikuasai melainkan karena sukarela. Preasumsi tentang langgengnya dominasi bukanlah terletak pada manusia yang haus akan kuasa atau kejam bagi manusia lainnya, melainkan langgengnya dominasi terjadi karena fenomena servility sudah turun- temurun terjadi hingga menjadi budaya, hal tersebut mengakibatkan kebebasan tidak lagi dipandang sebagai sesuatu yang secara alamiah dimiliki setiap orang melainkan sesuatu yang harus diraih. Kebebasan yang perlu diraih bukan kebebasan yang terbebas dari dominasi sebagai suatu kondisi saja, melainkan kebebasan yang yang diraih melalui negasi epistemologis, terhadap ide tentang dominasi yang dimiliki oleh The Master atau yang berkuasa. Maka dari itu epistemologi baru sebagai absence dari epistemologi The Master harus dibentuk atau epistemologi the slave, dengan tujuan menjadi tahap lanjutan dari pembebasan diri dari dominasi.

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The restatement of Voluntary Servitude at the political level presents a new path in viewing politics, especially in the practice of power or relations of domination, that domination occurs not because of coercion of the will of the ruling to the ruled but because of voluntary. The assumption about the perpetuation of domination does not lie in humans who are hungry for power or cruel to other humans, but rather the perpetuation of domination occurs because servility phenomena have passed down through generations to become a culture, as something that must be achieved. The freedom that needs to be achieved is not freedom that is free from domination as a condition, but rather the freedom achieved through epistemological negation, to the idea of domination which belongs to The Master or the ruling. Therefore a new epistemology as the absence of epistemology of The Master must be formed or The Epistemology of the slave, with the aim of becoming an advanced stage of liberation from domination."

"In 1908, a Welsh Doctor named Peter Fraser turned down a lucrative job with the Kings Government in London and instead wore the robes of a Christian missionary to travel to the remote Lushai Hills of north-east India-the habitat of a reportedly wild, headhunting tribal people. Fraser not only found acceptance among the tribals, but also came in conflict with the colonial state over the tribal practice of bawi, a practice he found akin to slavery. This clash was symptomatic of a larger issue that marked colonialism in south Asia: the tussle between the colonial administration and the missionary institutions. Challenging the notion of a monolithic colonial experience, The Uprising chronicles this struggle which witnessed Fraser, after being expelled by his own mission, petitioning and lobbying for the issue in the British Parliament through the Anti-Slavery Society and even taking the issue to the League of Nations to make an intervention which had lasting impact on the lives and history of the Lushai people (Mizo tribe). Writing in a narrative form, the book brings out the immense historical significance of the contradictions between the colonial state and the missionary institutions, and argues that neither institution, contrary to popular perception, was a liberating agency."

"Most Americans believe that the Ohio River was a clearly defined and static demographic and political boundary between freedom and slavery, indeed between North and South, an extension of the Mason-Dixon Line and a border that produced the war. None of this is true, except perhaps the outcome of war. But the centrality of the Civil War and its outcome in the making of these tropes is undeniable. This interpretation leaves no room for the third of the nations major nineteenth-century regions: the West. Ironically, the wars central figure, Abraham Lincoln, was a lifelong resident of this regions middle border-the slave states of Kentucky and Missouri and of the free states of Illinois, Indiana, Ohio, and Kansas-lying astride not one but two fault lines of that war, east and west and north and south. The Rivers Ran Backward contests the assumption that regional identities throughout these states were stable in the era of the civil war. Across the middle border, the war left an indelible imprint on the way in which residents thought of themselves and other Americans, proving as much a shaper as a product of regional identities. The book explains how the Civil War and its aftermath transformed a regional political culture into the cultural politics of region, creating perhaps the wars greatest irony: that the victorious North created a larger, more enduring South than the defeated Confederacy could accomplish for itself, and that former western neighbors created a border between them after the fact."