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Abstrak :
Penelitian ini membahas politik oligarki media dalam pemilihan presiden 2019 (Pilpres). Fokus penelitian adalah faktor dukungan oligarki media pada kandidat Joko Widodo dan Ma’ruf Amin. Penelitian ini perlu dilakukan untuk memaparkan faktor pendorong oligark dalam mendukung kandidat, serta cara oligark merealisasikannya. Pemaparan ini pada akhirnya akan mengkritisi fungsi pers. Penelitian ini diharapkan menjadi rujukan pembuatan kebijakan dalam kepemiluan, khususnya pada tahap kampanye. Oligarki media dalam penelitian ini adalah Hary Tanoesoedibjo melalui MNC Media dan Partai Persatuan Indonesia (Perindo). Dukungan Hary Tanoe berubah, pada Pilpres 2014 Hary Tanoe mendukung Prabowo Subianto – Hatta Rajasa, sementara saat Pilpres 2019 Hary Tanoe mendukung Jokowi-Maruf. Analisis penelitian ini menggunakan Teori Oligarki Jeffrey Winters (2011, 2013) dan Mietzner (2014) yang menyatakan oligark perlu masuk dalam struktur politik untuk mempertahakan kekayaan dan variasi faktor oligark dalam politik dan mendukung kandidat. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan argumen yang ditawarkan: Faktor pendorong keberpihakan oligarki media pada kandidat saat Pilpres 2019 didominasi oleh faktor ekonomi politik, tidak semata-mata karena kasus hukum. Cara oligark merealisasikan dukungannya melalui sumber pendapatan dan sumber materialnya (bisnis media). ......This research discusses media oligarch politics in presidential election 2019. Focus of the research is oligarch support factors to Joko Widodo and Ma’ruf Amin as President and Vice President candidate. Importance of this research is to explain the motivating factors of oligarchs in supporting candidates, as well as realizing the support. The explanation seeks to criticize the function of press. This research is expected to be referred in election policy making, especially during the campaigning phase. Media oligarch in this research is Hary Tanoesoedibjo through MNC Media and Indonesia United Party (Partai Persatuan Indonesia/Perindo). Support of Hary Tanoesoedibjo shifted support from Prabowo Subianto-Hatta Rajasa in 2014 Presidential Election to Jokowi-Maruf in 2019 Presidential Election. Analysis in this research employs Jeffrey Winters (2011; 2013) and Mietzner's (2014) Oligarchy Theory which stated that oligarch need to enter to political structure to defend their wealth and the variation of factors that oligarch enter political structure and consider supporting a certain candidate. This research using a qualitative method, this research offers following arguments: Factors of the media oligarch to support candidate in 2019 Presidential Election are dominated by economic factor and not only due to legal problems. The oligarch uses their source of income and their material resources (media business) to realize the support.

Abstrak :
Despite its much-touted agenda to fight poverty and corruption, the Aquino administration was not able to produce good results during its term at the national level. However, some political forces and policy reforms that emerged with the administration achieved remarkable change at the local level. This paper explores the case of Siquijor Province, where an entrenched political dynasty was defeated in the 2013 and 2016 elections by candidates supported by the Liberal Party and its allied forces, Akbayan, and analyzes factors that brought this change by focusing on activities of People Power Volunteers for Reform, the impact of bottom-up budgeting projects, and the mobilization of powers of the national government through personal relationships. It also notes achievements of the Aquino administration at the local level, provides a critical perspective to the elite democracy discourse that sticks to a static view of Philippine politics, and clarifies local practices by progressive forces that confront oligarchy.

Abstrak :
Tesis ini meneliti tentang permasalahan Partai Golkar pada pemilihan kepala daerah 2015 di Kabupaten Gowa. Partai Golkar merupakan partai yang terkuat di Sulawesi Selatan dengan memiliki jaringan infrastruktur yang kuat ditandai dengan penguasaannya di sebagian besar jabatan di DPRD Sulawesi Selatan dan kemenangan pasangan calon yang diusung Partai Golkar dalam pemilihan kepala daerah sejak pemilihan kepala daerah secara langsung pada tahun 2005. Menjelang Pemilihan kepala daerah 2015 terjadi konflik internal Partai Golkar dengan adanya dualisme kepengurusan di DPP yaitu kepengurusan Aburizal Bakri dan Agung Laksono. Akibatnya, Partai Golkar mengalami sejumlah permasalahan dalam Pilkada di sejumlah daerah di Indonesia, termasuk Kabupaten Gowa. Untuk mengalisis sejumlah permasalahan Partai Golkar, penulis menggunakan teori institusionalisasi partai politik dari Randal & Svasand, teori faksionalisme elit partai politik dari Francis Boucek dan teori oligarki dari Jeffrey Winters. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif, sedangkan teknik pengumpulan data melalui kajian literatur, analisis dokumen serta wawancara mendalam. Temuan dari penelitian ini menunjukkan terdapat tiga permasalahan yang menyebabkan sangat lemahnya pelembagaan Partai Golkar yang berdampak terhadap hasil pemilihan kepala daerah di Kabupaten Gowa. Permasalahan tersebut seperti; pertama, rekrutmen politik yang masih lemah. Proses rekrutmen Golkar dalam menentukan dan menetapkan calon kepala daerah tidak dilakukan sesuai dengan prosedur kebijakan dan aturan partai. Kedua, faksionalisme Partai Golkar yang bedampak terhadap tidak berjalannya mesin pemenangan partai secara maksimal dalam masa pemenangan kandidat akibat konflik internal dan dukungan dari kader yang terpecah. Ketiga, kepemimpinan yang personal dan oligarkis yang membuat pengambilan keputusan di partai semata-mata memberikan ruang kepada tumbuh kembangnya dinasti politik dan pertahanan jaringan kekuasaan di daerah. ...... This thesis examines the problems of the Golkar Party in 2015 head of regency elections in Gowa Regency. The Golkar Party is the strongest party in South Sulawesi with strong infrastructure network marked by its control in most positions in the South Sulawesi DPRD (the regional house of representative) and the victory of the candidates in the  regional head elections that was supported by the this party since direct regional elections was conducted in 2005. Closer to the regional head  election in 2015, Golkar Party faced the internal conflict with the dualism of management in the DPP (central executive board) namely the management of Aburizal Bakri and the management of Agung Laksono. As a result, the Golkar Party experienced a number of problems in the elections in the  numbers of regions in Indonesia, including Gowa Regency. To analyze the number of problems of Golkar Party, the researcher uses the theory of institutionalization of political parties from Randal & Svasand, the electoral theory of elite political parties from Francis Boucek and the oligarchic theory of Jeffrey Winters. This study uses qualitative methods, while the technique of collecting data conducted through literature review, analysis documents as well as in-depth interviews. The findings of this study indicate that there are three problems that have caused the very weak institutionalization of the Golkar Party which has an impact on the results of regional head elections in Gowa Regency. The First problem is the political recruitment is still weak. The process of Golkar recruitment in determining and assigning regional head candidates is not carried out according to party policy and rule procedures. Second, the factionalism of the Golkar Party has an impact on the failure in maximazing the the party's winning machine for its candidates due to internal conflicts and the support of cadres is divided. Third, personal and oligarchic leadership that makes decision-making in parties solely provides space for the development of political dynasties and the defense of power networks in the regions.

Abstrak :
Penelitian ini bertujuan menganalisis politik pendanaan kampanye pada Pemilihan Presiden (Pilpres) 2019 dengan fokus pada dua hal: (1) penerimaan sumbangan dana kampanye dari penyumbang kalangan oligark kepada pasangan Calon Presiden dan Calon Wakil Presiden Joko Widodo - Ma’ruf Amin sebagai pemenang Pilpres 2019, dan (2) pembayaran kembali pascapilpres kepada penyumbang. Pola pendanaan kampanye Joko Widodo-Ma’ruf Amin yang berpengaruh terhadap perubahan sifat struktur politik oligarkis sebagai hasil Pilpres 2019 dianalisis menggunakan teori Oligarki dari Jeffrey A. Winters, didukung konsep pembiayaan kampanye dari USAID. Temuan studi ini menunjukkan politik pendanaan kampanye Joko Widodo - Ma’ruf Amin yang melibatkan para penyumbang besar dari kalangan oligark memengaruhi perubahan sifat struktur politik oligarkis pemerintahan hasil pilpres, yaitu dari yang sebelumnya ‘terpecah’ menjadi ‘kolektif’, dan perubahan dari yang sebelumnya bersaing ‘liar’ antaroligark menjadi ‘jinak’ bekerjasama dalam pemerintahan pasca-Pilpres 2019. ......This study aims to analyze the politics of campaign funding in The 2019 Presidential Election with a focus on two things: (1) receipt of campaign fund donations from oligarchic donors to the presidential and vice presidential candidates Joko Widodo - Ma'ruf Amin as the winner of The 2019 Presidential Election, and (2) post-presidential repayments to donors. The campaign funding patterns for Joko Widodo-Ma'ruf Amin which affected the change in the nature of the oligarchic political structure as a result of The 2019 Presidential Election were analyzed using the Oligarchy theory of Jeffrey A. Winters, supported by the concept of campaign finance from USAID. The findings of this study show that the politics of campaign funding for Joko Widodo - Ma'ruf Amin, which involved big donors from the oligarchs, influenced the change in the nature of the oligarchic political structure of the government resulting from the presidential election, from previously being 'split' to 'collective', and changes from previously competing 'wild' between oligarks becomes 'tame' to cooperate in the post-2019 Presidential Election government.

Abstrak :
ABSTRAK Penelitian ini membahas mengenai dampak rivalitas oligarki antara Raja Bhumibol Adulyadej dan Thaksin Shinawatra terhadap terjadinya kudeta militer tahun 2006 dan 2014 di Thailand. Dengan menggunakan teori oligarki oleh Jeffrey A. Winters dan konsep kudeta oleh Edward Luttwak, penelitian ini mengidentifikasi oligarch yang menghadapi berbagai ancaman dalam mempertahankan kekayaan dan kekuasaan mereka. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk melihat sejauh mana rivalitas yang terjadi antar oligarch tersebut, dan melihat bagaimana rivalitas tersebut berpengaruh terhadap terjadinya kudeta militer di tahun 2006 dan 2014. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa Raja Bhumibol Adulyadej dan Thaksin Shinawatra merupakan oligarch karena mereka memiliki sumber daya kekuasaan: hak politik formal; jabatan resmi; kuasa pemaksaan; kekuatan mobilisasi; dan kekuasaan material. Merujuk pada cara mereka dalam menghadapi berbagai ancaman, Raja Bhumibol Adulyadej tergolong sebagai oligarch sultanistik, sementara Thaksin Shinawatra tergolong sebagai penguasa kolektif. Bentuk konkret dari rivalitas kedua oligarch tersebut dapat dilihat melalui bangkitnya kelompok yellow shirt dan red shirt. Rivalitas yang terjadi antara kedua oligarch tersebut pada akhirnya berujung pada kudeta militer di Thailand tahun 2006 dan 2014. Kedua tersebut merupakan bentuk dari pola revolusi karena tujuannya adalah untuk membuat perubahan dalam struktur sosial politik, yakni untuk menggulingkan Thaksin Shinawatra dari pemerintahan dan menghapus pengaruhnya dalam konstelasi politik yang akan datang.

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ABSTRACT This research discusses the impact of the oligarch rivalry between King Bhumibol Adulyadej dan Thaksin Shinawatra towards the 2006 and 2014 military coups in Thailand. By combining the oligarch theory by Jeffrey A. Winters and the concept of coup by Edward Luttwak, it identifies the oligarchs who must deal with several threats in their attempt to defend their wealth and power. The purpose of this research is to see how far the rivalry goes between the two oligarchs and aims to see how it later contributes to the military coup in 2006 and 2014. The findings of this study suggest that King Bhumibol Adulyadej and Thaksin Shinawatra are both oligarchs because they have power resources: formal political rights; official position; coercive powers; mobilizational power; and material power. In terms of how they respond to several threats, while King Bhumibol Adulyadej is considered to be a sultanistic oligarch, Thaksin Shinawatra is considered to be a collective authority. The form of this oligarch rivalry is visible through the rise of the yellow shirt and the red shirt group, and eventually resulted in a military coup in Thailand in 2006 and subsequently the 2014 coup. Both coups were considered as a revolutionary coup because the aim was to make changes in the socio-political structure, namely replacing Thaksin Shinawatra from the prime minister's position and remove his influence in upcoming politics.

Abstrak :
Skripsi ini menganalisis sifat hubungan negara dan bisnis yang memfasilitasi berbagai pelanggaran dalam perpanjangan kontrak privatisasi JICT antara Pelindo II dan Hutchison Port Holdings tahun 2014. Analisis tersebut ditujukan untuk memperluas pemahaman mengenai penyebab munculnya permasalahan dalam upaya reformasi tata kelola BUMN secara umum, dan implementasi program privatisasi secara khusus. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan mengkombinasikan data primer dan sekunder. Berdasarkan analisis peneliti menggunakan teori patrimonial oligarkis Hutchcroft, penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa berbagai pelanggaran pada perpanjangan kontrak privatisasi JICT merupakan praktik Booty Capitalism yang difasilitasi oleh hubungan negara dan bisnis yang bersifat patrimonial oligarkis. Kondisi demikian memunculkan konflik politik antar berbagai pemangku kepentingan yang terlibat. Penelitian ini berkesimpulan bahwa sifat hubungan negara dan bisnis yang patrimonial oligarkis merupakan akar permasalahan dari berbagai hambatan yang muncul dalam upaya mereformasi tata kelola BUMN di Indonesia pasca Reformasi, khususnya implementasi program privatisasi. ......This undergraduate thesis analyzes the nature of state and business relations, which facilitates various law violations in the extension of JICT privatization contract between Pelindo II and Hutchison Port Holdings in 2014. The purpose of this research is to expand the understanding of causes of problems arising in the efforts to reform state-owned enterprise governance in general, and the implementation of privatization program in particular. This research utilized qualitative method through combining primary and secondary data. Based on researcher's analysis using Hutchcroft’s patrimonial oligarchic theory, this study demonstrates that various law violations which were perpetrated in the privatization contract extension of JICT is a practice of Booty Capitalism which was facilitated by state and business relation with patrimonial oligarchic nature. Political conflict between stakeholders emerged as the outcome of such condition. This study concludes that patrimonial oligarchic state-business relations is the underlying cause of various obstacles which arise in the effort to reform state-owned enterprise governance in the Post.

Abstrak :
Despite its much-touted agenda to fight poverty and corruption, the Aquino administration was not able to produce good results during its term at the national level. However, some political forces and policy reforms that emerged with the administration achieved remarkable change at the local level. This paper explores the case of Siquijor Province, where an entrenched political dynasty was defeated in the 2013 and 2016 elections by candidates supported by the Liberal Party and its allied forces, Akbayan, and analyzes factors that brought this change by focusing on activities of People Power Volunteers for Reform, the impact of bottom-up budgeting projects, and the mobilization of powers of the national government through personal relationships. It also notes achievements of the Aquino administration at the local level, provides a critical perspective to the elite democracy discourse that sticks to a static view of Philippine politics, and clarifies local practices by progressive forces that confront oligarchy.

Abstrak :
Penelitian ini membahas mengenai Peran Pebisnis dalam Politik Pendanaan Kampanye Pasangan Jokowi-Jusuf Kalla pada Pemilihan Umum Presiden dan Wakil Presiden tahun 2014. Dalam penelitan ini dikaji mengenai aspek-aspek yang berkaitan dengan Pendanaan Kampanye Pilpres 2014. Kebutuhan akan dana kampanye yang demikian vitalnya dalam melancarkan segala sesuatunya terkait pemenangan pemilu, menjadikan terbentuknya pola pendanaan kampanye yang banyak mengandalkan kekuataan finansial dalam menjalankan berbagai strategi pemenangan kampanye politik. Strategi-strategi ini sebagai maneuver untuk mendukung elektabilitas yang tinggi pasangan calon dan kamanye yang menyentuh seluruh penjuru nasional dengan tujuan akhir to reach out voters. Temuan utama dalam penelitian ini, menunjukkan indikasi adanya peranan yang signifikan oleh para pebisnis, kelompok oligarki ekonomi dalam politik pendanaan pilpres 2014. Teori dan konsep yang digunakan pada penelitian ini: pemilu, pendanaan pemilu, oligarki dan plutokrasi. Metode penelitian menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif. Metode pengumpulan data dengan wawancara, analisis dokumen serta menggunakan metode studi kasus pada penelitian ini. ......This study discusses the role of businessmen in the political funding of the Jokowi Jusuf Kalla Campaign, in the 2014 Presidential and Vice Presidential Election. This research reviews several aspects related to the 2014 Election Campaign Funding. The need for such vital campaign funds in launching everything related to the winning of the election, led to the formation of a campaign funding pattern that relied heavily on financial strength in carrying out various strategies for winning political campaigns. These strategies are seen as a maneuver to support the high electability of candidates to the entire nation, with the ultimate goal being, to reach out to voters. The main findings in this study indicate a significant role of businessmen and economic oligarchy groups, in the political funding of the 2014 presidential election. Theories and concepts used in this study election, election funding, oligarchy and plutocracy. The research method used a qualitative approach. Methods of data collection in this research were executed via interviews, document analysis and using case study methods.