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Abstrak :
Alasan untuk menulis judul ini adalah karena masih kurangnya penelitian yang secara spesifik menyorot persoalan perempuan dalam dunia politik Islam, secara lebih spesifik dalam dunia kepartaian Islam di Indonesia, Tulisan ini disusun sebagai hasil analisis penelitian dari 5 partai politik Islam peserta pemilu 2004 di Indonesia dan wawancara yang dilakukan kepada 9 orang subjek penelitian yang terdiri dari politisi perempuan dari kelima partai tersebut. Kelima partai politik Islam yang dimaksud adalah PBB, PPP, PAN, PKB, dan PKS. Terdapat 6 pertanyaan penelitian yang diharapkan dapat dijawab di akhir penelitian ini. Yaitu : (1) Bagaimanakah pandangan yang berkembang di dalam komunitas muslim mengenai perempuan berpolitik? (2) Alasan apa sajakah yang membuat para politisi perempuan ini memilih partai Islam? (3) Seperti apakah representasi perempuan di berbagai partai politik Islam di Indonesia? (4) Bagaimanakah konsep atau pencitraan perempuan yang ditawarkan oleh partai-partai politik ini berdasarkan rumusan platform dan programnya? (5) Apa dampak pencitraan tersebut terhadap berbagai agenda politik perempuan? (6) Bagaimana politisi muslim perempuan memaknai kehadiran mereka di kancah politik melalui partai-partai Islam yang dipilihnya ? Sejumlah konsep yang membabas tentang partai politik Islam, representasi, dan politik Islam mengantarkan berbagai kajian yang dipandang dari beberapa kombinasi teori polar feminis. Representasi politik perempuan tergambarkan dalam jumlah keterwakilan perempuan di dalam partai politik di parlemen, isu-isu dan kepentingan perempuan yang terumuskan dalam agenda, platform, dan program partai; seria penghayatan pribadi subjek sebagai politik yang bertindak "atas nama" dan "untuk kepentingan" kaum perempuan dan sebagai muslim. Dari penelitian ini, penulis menemukan bahwa terdapat 2 jenis kategorisasi partai Islam dalam merespon berbagai persoalan perempuan. Yaitu adanya partai yang merniliki sikap yang limitatif ierhadap hak-hak perempuan yang diwakili oleh partai-partai yang menyebut diri secara formal sebagai partai Islam seperti PBB, PPP, dan PKS. Selain itu juga terdapat partai-partai yang memiliki sikap liberatif terhadap hak-hak perempuan yang dalam hal ini direpresentasikan oleh partai yang bersifat lebih inklusif dalam menafsirkan pemahaman mereka tentang Islam maupun lebih dikategorikan sebagai partai yang mengandalkan basis massa Islam seperti PAN dan PKB. Dan perempuan, selalu berjuang untuk memperbaiki posisi politik maupun menyuarakan berbagai kepentingan mereka melalui strategi pemberdayaan perempuan melalui sayap-sayap organisasi yang dibentuk di dalam partai maupun mencoba menembus batas di lintas partai, tennasuk pada partai-partai yang tidak memiliki kepentingan primordial yang sama pada identitas Islam mereka.

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The reason of choosing this topic is the lack of research which specifically talking about women in Islamic political world, especially in Islamic political parties in Indonesia. This study investigates Islamic political parties which participated in General Election 2004 by interviewing of 9 moslem women politicians from five Islamic parties. who become subjects of the research. Those five parties are: PBB, PPP, PAN , PKS. There are 6 research questions that I hope will be answered at the end of the research. Those questions are : (I) how are the developing concepts in moslem community about women and politics (2) what are the reason's of Moslem women politician in choosing Islamic political parties (3) how are women represented in Islamic political parties (4) what kind of concept about "women" which are constructed by those parties through their agenda, platform and program (5) what is the impact of that to women political agenda (6) and what the moslem women politicians mean their existence in political world within the political parties they had chooses. Several concepts which talk about Islamic political party, representation, and Islamic politics have developed several discourses that we can see from the various feminist political theories. Women political representation has been described in the amount of women representation in political parties or as parliament members, in the women issues and interest that will be implemented in the political parties' agendas, platforms, and programs. The reflection of subject as a politician that always "stand for" and "act for" both moslem and women. From this research, the writer tries to elaborate 2 categories of Islamic political party in responding women issues. First the limitative party in responding women's rights, that are represented by the Islamic political party that call themselves as "Islamic parties" like PBB, PPP, PKS. Second, we can also find the liberalize party in responding women's rights. These kind of parties are represented by the inclusive interpretation of Islam that becomes guidance for party. We can call this type as a moslem organization based party like PAN and PKB. And in those two kinds of party, women try to advocate their interest through raising higher political position, using women's wings of the party as their strategies and engage in inter parties .women network. Including parties without primordial connection to them, in using "Islam? as a political identity.

Abstrak :
Keberadaan perempuan sebagai mayoritas dalam masyarakat Indonesia nyatanya berbanding terbalik dengan jumlah perwakilan perempuan di dalam parlemen. Dicanangkannya Affirmative action yang merupakan kebijakan khusus untuk mendukung jumlah keterwakilan perempuan nyatanya tidak serta-merta menghasilkan tingginya angka keterpilihan perempuan, terutama pada politik tingkat lokal di Indonesia. Terkait permasalahan tersebut, peran partai politik sebagai gerbang utama kader perempuan untuk menjadi perwakilan politik dinilai memiliki andil besar. Di lain sisi, Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan PDI Perjuangan hadir sebagai partai dengan jumlah perwakilan perempuan terbanyak pada Pemilu DPRD DKI Jakarta Tahun 2014, dengan perolehan 10 dari total 20 orang anggota legislatif perempuan. Pencapaian tersebut merupakan peningkatan signifikan dibanding Pemilu 2009, dimana PDI Perjuangan hanya memperoleh 3 kursi. Terkait dengan hal tersebut, seleksi kandidat birokratik yang dilakukan PDI Perjuangan menjadi penentu utama dalam pencalonan perempuan sebagai anggota DPRD DKI Jakarta. Melalui tinjauan teori candidate selection, tugas akhir ini membahas bagaimana pelaksanaan proses birokratik pada seleksi calon anggota perempuan PDI Perjuangan untuk Pemilu DPRD DKI Jakarta Tahun 2014.

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The existence of women as a numerically superior group in Indonesian society is in contrast with the number of women rsquo s representative on the parliament. The implementation of affirmative action as a special policy to support the increase the number of women rsquo s representation in parliament is in fact does not contribute towards the high number of Women Member of Parliaments, especially in local politics level. Regarding this problem, the importance of political party as the main entrance for woman cadres towards their being elected as Member of Parliaments MP has become more significant. As an example, Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan PDI Perjuangan was a political party with the largest number of women representations rsquo number being elected in Legislative Election for DKI Jakarta in 2014, with 10 from 20 of its women MP candidates elected. This achievement was a significant increase from the previous election in 2009, in which PDI Perjuangan only got 3 of its women MP candidates elected. On these matters, bureaucratic candidate selection process done by PDI Perjuangan had become the main determinant in placing women rsquo s names in the list of candidate for DPRD DKI Jakarta rsquo s MP. By using candidate selection theory, this thesis discussed about the implementation of bureaucratic process on PDI Perjuangan rsquo s women candidate selection for DKI Jakarta Legislative Election in 2014.

Abstrak :
ABSTRAK
Although it has not yet reached an ideal composition, the adoption of a 30% quota of women in elections in Indonesia has increased the number of women in parliament, both at the central level (House of Representative/DPR) and at the regional level (local legislative councils/DPRD). However, the issue of womens representation in parliament is not only a matter of representation based on sex, but also of substantive representation, where womens political agenda can be voiced. One of the concepts developed by feminist thinking is the concept of critical actors. This article seeks to explain how womens organizations and parliamentarians are critical actors that encourage womens involvement with parliament. This article explains how the involvement between womens organizations and parliament can strengthen the substantive representation of women in both the DPR and the DPRD. It is based on studies conducted on a model of strengthening the involvement of several womens organizations with the DPR and DPRD, which was developed by MAMPU and its partner organizations.

Abstrak :
ABSTRAK
Meski belum mencapai komposisi yang ideal, penerapan kuota pencalegan 30% perempuan dalam pemilihan umum di Indonesia telah meningkatkan jumlah perempuan di parlemen, baik di tingkat pusat (Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat / DPR) maupun di tingkat daerah (Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah / DPRD). Namun persoalan keterwakilan perempuan di parlemen bukan hanya persoalan keterwakilan berdasarkan jenis kelamin, melainkan persoalan keterwakilan substantif, dimana agenda politik perempuan dapat disuarakan. Salah satu konsep yang dikembangkan oleh pemikiran feminis adalah konsep 'critical actors atau aktor kritis. Artikel ini berusaha memaparkan dan menjelaskan bagaimana orghanisasi perempuan dan anggota parlemen menjadi aktor kritis yang mendorong pelibatan perempuan dengan parlemen. Artikel ini menjelaskan bagaimana keterlibatan antara organisasi perempuan dengan parlemen tersebut dapat memperkuat keterwakilan substantif perempuan baik di DPR maupun DPRD. Artikel ini disusun berdasarkan studi terhadap model keterlibatan beberapa mitra Mampu dengan DPR dan DPRD.

Abstrak :
ABSTRACT
Although it has not yet reached an ideal composition, the adoption of a 30% quota of women in elections in Indonesia has increased the number of women in parliament, both at the central level (House of Representative/DPR) and at the regional level (local legislative councils/DPRD). However, the issue of womens representation in parliament is not only a matter of representation based on sex, but also of substantive representation, where womens political agenda can be voiced. One of the concepts developed by feminist thinking is the concept of critical actors. This article seeks to explain how womens organizations and parliamentarians are critical actors that encourage womens involvement with parliament. This article explains how the involvement between womens organizations and parliament can strengthen the substantive representation of women in both the DPR and the DPRD. It is based on studies conducted on a model of strengthening the involvement of several womens organizations with the DPR and DPRD, which was developed by MAMPU and its partner organizations.

Abstrak :
This article will clarify political representation of exhibition at Ullèn Sentalu Museum, Monumen Jogja Kembali, and Affandi Museum. These three museums are considered as proponent of Yogyakarta?s identity as the central of Javanese culture, struggle city, and the barometer of Indonesian fine art. The issue then, is it true that in the exhibitions? at the three museums are appropriate with the identity of Yogyakarta, or in the contrary, the exhibitions have no correlation with this city?s identity discourse. There is a possibility that museum precisely bringing self-interest for specific purposes. Therefore, this paper needs to observe how the exhibitions at these museums were implemented. Through interpretive approach, the exhibition at the museum may be analogous similar with language phenomenon, and hence museum is considered as text that can be read and interpreted. Exhibition at the museum was developed within framework of thoughts (ideology), motives, and specific discourses, which all of these are articulated through a set of symbols (collection), that arranged with special layout procedure (display procedure). Thus, museum becomes ?political? since, in this perspective, museum has power over the formation of discourse through their exhibition.

Abstrak :
ABSTRAK
Pemilihan Umum 1955 merupakan pemilu pertama yang berhasil diselenggarakan Republik Indonesia, pelaksanaannya meriah, partisipasi rakyat juga cukup tinggi untuk ukuran negara yang baru pertama kali menyelenggarakan. Tidak mengherankan apabila harapan begitu tinggi terhadap terciptanya stabilitas politik, sosial dan ekonomi pasca pemilu ini. Wakil-wakil politik di parlemen diharapkan mampu menjadi representasi rakyat secara keseluruhan, terlebih mereka dipilih secara langsung oleh rakyat. Kenyataan yang terjadi, stabilitas yang diharapkan itu tidak terwujud. Justru polarisasi dan kesenjangan semakin menampakkan bentuk nyatanya dengan kemunculan pergolakan politik di daerah-daerah, seperti di Sumatera dan Sulawesi. Kewibawaan pemerintah pusat dipertanyakan. Konflik yang semakin meruncing itu membuat kabinet Ali Sastroamijoyo II yang didaulat memerintah akhirnya jatuh. Penerapan keadaan bahaya dan pembentukan Dewan Nasional membuat parlemen semakin kehilangan kekuatannya sebagai penghubung antara rakyat dan penguasa. Penelitian ini bertujuan menganalisa hubungan antara Pemilu 1955 dengan kemunculan gejolak-gejolak politik yang muncul setelah parlemen dan kabinet hasil pemilu terbentuk. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian sejarah, yang terdiri dari 4 langkah yaitu; (1) heuristik; (2) verifikasi; (3) interpretasi; (4) historiografi. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa Pemilu 1955 memberi sumbangsih pada terciptanya proses disintegrasi bangsa. Pengerahan massa rakyat dalam kampanye pemilu membuat polarisasi yang terjadi semakin tegas batas pemisahnya, seperti penggolongan kaum merah dan kaum hijau, rakyat kota dan desa, penduduk Jawa dan luar Jawa. Bila di masa revolusi rakyat dimobilisasi untuk tujuan bangsa, pada era Demokrasi Liberal, rakyat dimobilisasi untuk tujuan politik tertentu. Kesimpulannya, keterwakilan politik di parlemen hasil Pemilu 1955 berkaitan erat dengan terbentuknya parlemen hasil pemilu dan kabinet beserta presiden dan militer sebagai satu perangkat yang membentuk kekuasaan politik berkuasa. Keberadaan kekuatan politik berkuasa ini secara otomatis akan berhadapan dengan kekuatan-kekuatan politik yang tidak berkuasa. Ada dua kekuatan politik yang berebut pengaruh rakyat untuk mencapai legitimasinya. Gejolak politik yang terjadi di tahun 1950-an ini dapat ditarik benang merah, bahwa tidak ada penguasa yang memiliki kekuasaan mutlak. Kekuatan politik berkuasa akan diiringi keberadaan kekuatan politik tidak berkuasa, disamping itu keberadaan rakyat menjadi tarik ulur di antara kedua kekuatan politik ini.

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ABSTRACT
The 1955 Indonesian Election as the first election was well-known by its festive reaction and by the supportive people's participation. Public gauging whispered that they wanted the stability in any aspects of life after the first election.Political representatives in parliament were expected to be the representatives of the people as a whole, especially if they were directly elected by the people. In fact, the expected stability did not happen. Indeed polarization and the gap increased significantly in the emergence of political upheaval in some regions, such as in Sumatra and Sulawesi. The authority of the central government was questionable. The increasingly tapered conflict making the sovereign Ali Sastroamijoyo II's cabinet finally fall down. The implementation of Penerapan Keadaan Bahaya and the establishment of the Dewan Nasional had taken the power of parliament as a link between the people and the authorities. This study aims to analyze the causal relationship between The 1955 Indonesian Election with the emergence of political upheaval after the election. This study used historical method, which consisting of 4 steps, namely; (1) heuristics; (2) source critism; (3) interpretation; (4) historiography. This study found that The 1955 Indonesian Election contributed to the create of the national disintegration. The mobilization of the masses in the election campaign had made the polarization of the kaum merah and kaum hijau, the urban and rural people, the Javanese and the outer islands. If people were mobilized for national purpose during revolution period, in contrast, people weremobilized for certain political purposes in liberal democracy. To conclude, political representation in parliament resulted from The 1955 Indonesian Election was closely related to the formation of parliamentary election results and cabinet with the president and military as a device that form the political power in power. The existence of this powerful political power would automatically deal with unpopular political forces. There were two political forces fighting over the influence of the people to achieve their legitimacy. Political turmoil that occurred in the 1950s could be reflected, that no ruler who has absolute power. Political power in power will be accompanied by the presence of political power is not in power, in addition to the existence of the people become a tug of war between these two political powers.