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"The main dynamics behind regional changes certainly do vary from country. Some, such as the advent of social media and the internet in general, are decidedly common ones. Others are more localised in character.In Malaysia, the breakdown of information control by central authorities, along with the urbanisation of the population, lies behind many of the changes.In short, the articles in this volume tell different sides of this longer process of changes, as mirrored in the 2013 general election."

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"Perubahan partai politik setelah rezim Orde Baru membawa konsekuensi serius bagi peran partai politik. Pertama, adanya pergeseran peran partai politik dari aktor di pinggiran kekuasaan menjadi aktor utama yang berperan membentuk kekuasaan politik. Kedua, adanya keharusan partai politik melakuka reformasi internal untuk tujuan memenangkan kekuasaan politik sekaligus menjawab tuntutan publik. Ketiga, terkait keterlibatan partai politik dalam pemilihan untuk mengisi jabatan politik dan jabatan politik.Partai politik lalu dihadapkan pada paradigma baru yaitu bekerja profesional, memiliki kemampuan bekerjasama atau bernegosiasi dengan partai lain dalam meraih kemenangan, serta melihat konstituen sebagai aset atau kapital yang harus terus dikumpulkan dan dipelihara. Salah satu strategi memenangkan pemilihan umum adafah melalui koalisi politik. Koalisi partai politik membentuk pemerintahan dan untuk memperkuat posisi tawar dalam proses politik di parlemen atau kabinet, menjadi hal tak terhindarkan dalam kehidupan partai di era reformasi ini. Fenomena tersebut dianggap wajar mengingat hasil Pemilu 2004 menghasilkan kekuatan partai yang terfragmentasi secara berimbang. Hal ini membuat keputusan membentuk koalisi menjadi tak terhindarkan. Salah satunya yang terjadil dalam pemilihan kepala daerah secara langsung (Pilkada).Pilkada yang dimuiai pada Juni 2005 menjadi arena politik baru bagi partai-partai politik. Dari 211 Pilkada pada 2005, ada 126 Pilkada yang dimenangkan oleh pasangan yang diusung koalisi partai. Sedang 85 lainnya dimenangkan oleh pasangan salon yang didukung partai tanpa koalisi. Bagi partai, koalisi dalam Pilkada memiliki kekhasan yang patut dicatat, yaitu: (1) secara kuantitas formasi koalisi bisa sangat banyak yang disebabkan oleh banyaknya pemilihan; (2) adanya kebutuhan pemetaan yang memungkinkan pengurus pusat partai memberikan kebebasan relatif pada pengurus daerahnya untuk memutuskan koalisi; dan (3) kecenderungan pofa koalisi dalam Pilkada yang sangat menyebar dan nyaris sulit untuk diramalkan. Salah satu kasus yang diamati untuk menunjukkan kecenderungan tersebut adalah Pilkada Provinsi Banten pada 26 Tesis ini menggunakan tiga kerangka teori untuk menjawab pertanyaan penelitian. Pertama adalah teori koalisi politik dari William Riker yang menekankan prinsip ukuran (Minimal Winning Coalitions) dan Robert Axelrod yang menekankan prinsip kedekatan preferensi kebijakan (Minimal Connected Winning). Kedua, teori pilihan rasional untuk melihat kontestasi pilihan-pilihan kepentingan yang menjadi dasar pengambilan keputusan para aktor untuk berkoalisi. Keputusan berkoalisi adalah sebuah pilihan rasional dalam rangka memaksimalkan kepentingan atau keuntungan yang dapat diraih. Ketiga, adalah teori oligarki dari Robert Michels. Teori ini digunakan untuk melihat pengaruh struktur partai dalam mempengaruhi pembentukan koalisi partai.Setidaknya ada lima faktor yang diuji dalam tesis ini - mengacu pada kasus Pilkada Banten- untuk melihat pengaruhnya dalam pembentukan koalisi partai. Pertama adalah pemetaan kekuatan politik di DPRD. Tingkat pengaruh faktor ini sedang karena diperlukan untuk memenuhi persyaratan pencalonan 15% suara atau kursi. Tetapi calon dapat saja membentuk koalisi dengan partai-partai non parlemen jika diperlukan. Kedua, pertimbangan platform partai dalam pembentukan koalisi, apakah sifatnya ideologis atau pragmatis. Tingkat pengaruh faktor ini rendah karena partai pada dasarnya dapat membangun koalisi dengan partai manapun tergantung pemaksimalan kepentingan yang dapat diraih.Faktor ketiga adalah mekanisme internal penjaringan oleh partai politik. Tingkat pengaruh faktor ini rendah karena tidak ada keharusan partai melakukan penjaringan internal, dan kalaupun dilakukan, hasilnya tidak mengikat atau dapat dibatalkan oleh pengurus pusat. Keempat adalah peran dewan pengurus pusat (DPP) partai. Tingkat pengaruh faktor ini tinggi karena rekomendasi atau persetujuan DPP bersifat mutlak sehingga tidak ada alternatif lain bagi pengurus daerah selain mengikuti petunjuk DPP. Dan kelima adalah peran figur bakal calon kepala daerah. Tingkat pengaruh faktor ini tinggi dalam pembentukan koalisi karena figur yang mendanai penggalangan dukungan selama pencalonan. Partai politik secara institusi biasanya tidak rnengeluarkan materi untuk mendukung pencalonan kepala daerah.

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The post new order change within political parties brought serious consequences towards their role: These include: the shift within the political parties' role from being marginal actors in the national power sphere, towards assuming a main role in the formation of political power; political parties being obliged to conduct internal reforms for the sake of winning the contested political power and in order to answer public demands; political parties' involvements in elections dedicated towards filling political position slots.Political parties were then introduced to a new paradigm which encompassed virtues such as professionalism, ability to cooperate and negotiate with other parties in the attempt of winning the election, and in how they were to view constituents as valuable assets of which supports must always be gathered and preserved. One of the strategies in winning political elections is by creating political coalition(s). Political coalitions in building a new government and in order to create a better bargaining power in the parliamentary or cabinet political processes have become an inevitable phenomenon in this post-reform era. This phenomenon was considered as an obvious one due to the fact that the 2004 election had bred out a fragmentated and balanced political party power configuration. Such configuration later induced many parties to form coalitions as a necessity to anticipate the situation in other elections, as can be seen in the direct regional leader election ("Pemilihan Kepala Daerah Langsung" - PiLKADA).The Pilkada, which began on June 2005, became a new arena for political parties. From over 211 Pilkada held in 2005, 126 of them were won by candidates supported by party coalitions, while another 85 were won by candidates supported by parties not engaging in coalitions. For many parties, the coalitions made during the Pilkada had certain features: (1) Quantitatively, the abundance of coalitions was made possible due to the many elections held; (2) mapping requirements made many central party officials to allow greater freedom for their local agents to decide coalitions; (3) the tendency within Pilkada coalition patterns exhibited a divergent and unpredictable trend. One of the examined which showed such tendency was the Banten Province Pilkada held on November 26, 2006 in which 4 candidate pairs who participated in this event were all supported by political party coalitions. This thesis applies three theoretical frameworks in order to answer its research question. The first one is political coalitions theory by William Riker, which emphasizes the measurement principle (Minimal Winning Coalitions), and Robert Axelrod, which emphasizes the policy preference connectedness principle (Minimal Connected Winning). The second one is the rational choice theory which will be used to analyze the contestation of interest choices, which serves as a basis for actors' decision making to form coalitions. Such decision can be seen as a rational choice in order to maximize an actor's interest and benefits. The third theoretical framework applied here is oligrarchic theory by Robert Michels. This theory will be used to view how party structures influence the decision to form coalitions.There at least five factors which this thesis seeks to analyze, referring to the Banten Pilkada case, in order to see their effect to party coalition formations. The first factor is the political power mapping in DPRD level. This factor's level of influence is medium, due to its function to fulfill the 15% vote or chair requirement. However, candidates may likely form coalitions with non-parliamentary parties if necessary. The second factor is the party platform considerations in coalition formations, whether they include the involvement of ideological preferences or more pragmatic stances. The influence level of this factor can bee deemed low due to the fact that most parties are likely to build coalitions with any party depending on the interest maximization which can be gained.The third factor is the internal networking mechanisms by political parties. This factor's level of influence is low due to the inexistence of requirements by parties to conduct internal networkings. However, if such mechanism is to occur, the results would likely to be non-bounding or cancellable according to the decision of central organizers. The fourth factor is the role of party's central organizing board (Dewan Pengurus Pusat - DPP). This factor has a high level of influence due to the absolute recommendation or agreement made by the DPP which in turn negates all other alternatives for local organizers to follow except the ones established by the DPP. The fifth factor is the role of local leader candidates. This factor is highly influential in determining the coalition formation due to the role of certain figures who financially support the candidates. Political parties are normally refrained from committing material supports during the local leader elections."

"A lot of changing in recent Indonesian political dynamics with eventual fact shows how political recruitment for legislative and executive chairs in national as well as regional levels in direct voting systems have brought the patterns of coalitions among political parties into interesting focus of observation...."

"ABSTRACTThe aim of this research is to analyse the legal framework in Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, and the Philippines, and its conformity to international instnunents regarding general elections, particularly on settlement of election offences for the conduct of democratic general elections. To achieve the purpose of this study, there will be aneed to examine (i) The extent the legal framework in Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore and the Philippines incorporated international standards on election to protect election process fiom election offences; (ii) The extent the election offences are settled through the process and through the process of election petition.It is highly important to conduct a more comprehensive research, either 'globally or regionally, to identify some problems related to settlementof election offences, either through the criminal process or through the election petition process. By means of this research, the differences and similarities ofthe legal framework as well as their strengths and weaknesses can be fotmd and some recommendations could be proposed to strengthen the system of election offence settlement.This study is a comparative study. The methodology applied in this thesis is related to the objective, namely, to analyse the legal framework of Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, and the Philippines in solving election offences problems. This thesis analyses the extent to which the legal framework incorporates several intemational standards concerning elections.The primary data of this thesis are documents in the form of laws, legislation and court decisions. It is supported by other literature, such as reports, academic journals, magazines, newspapers, and books. Additionally, interviews were also conducted with several resource persons having expertise in this field. The data are analysed using a qualitative approach.The study results demonstrate that in order to prevent unwanted political influence on the election process , every country needs a legal iamework that protect general elections from all kinds of election offences, provide the right of all aggrieved parties to challenge the elections result before an independent and competent judicial body and set out the scope of available review, establish provisions conceming the effect of irregularities on the outcome of elections and provide effective and fair redress mechanism.The existing legal framework of the respective countries generally cover elements of international human right standars of election, however different on some issues, especially the coverage of election offences, the model of regulation, the effect of cellection offences on the election result, the ground of ellection petitions and the settlement procedure (in criminal process and in election petition). Some aspects of the legal framework of settlement of election offences, particulary in Indonesia, need to be improved to ensure more democratic general elections. It is extremely important for democratic country to protec its political process and protec political rights of every citizen and partics from election offerences. Without an effective and fair system, it will be very difficult tho achieve the protections as provided in International standads. The international standards provide a minimum benchmark to which all countries should aspire."

"Tesis ini membahas tentang tinjauan kelembagaan Bawaslu dengan kewenangan quasi judicial atau semi peradilan dalam menyelesaikan masalah hukum pemilu pelanggaran administratif dan sengketa proses pemilu pada pelaksanaan pemilu tahun 2019. Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian hukum normatif dengan menggunakan studi kepustakaan dan wawancara dalam pengumpulan data, kemudian data-data yang diperoleh dianalisis dengan menggunakan pendekatan hukum kualitatif. Secara konstitusional, pembentukan Bawaslu sebagai satu kesatuan fungsi penyelenggaraan pemilu di Indonesia menginduk kepada Pasal 22 E ayat (5) UUD 1945 serta dikuatkan berdasarkan Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Nomor 11/PUU-VIII/2010. Pada Pasal 22 E ayat (5) UUD 1945 tersebut menegaskan bahwa penyelenggara pemilu bersifat mandiri. Dalam prakteknya, Bawaslu telah memenuhi karakteristik sebagai lembaga Negara yang mandiri atau independen berdasarkan dasar pembentukannya. Sebagai lembaga Negara yang mandiri, Bawaslu secara ketatanegaraan dimungkinkan untuk memiliki kewenangan dalam  menjalankan fungsi quasi judicial. Diketahui bahwa dalam perkembangan lembaga negara pasca amandemen UUD 1945, selain Bawaslu terdapat lembaga negara independen lainnya yang memiliki kewenangan dengan fungsi quasi judicial. Lembaga tersebut misalnya Komisi Pengawas Persaingan Usaha (KPPU) dan Komisi Informasi Publik (KIP). Sebagai lembaga Negara lapisan kedua, pembentukan Bawaslu, KPPU dan KIP berada diluar sistem peradilan di Indonesia. Namun pada dasarnya lembaga-lembaga Negara independen ini melakukan fungsi campuran dengan sifatnya yang penunjang terhadap lembaga Negara utama untuk menjalankan fungsi regulatif dan administratif termasuk fungsi quasi judicial dalam melaksanakan tugas dan kewenangannya. Dalam menjalankan fungsi kekuasaan quasi judicial yang dilakukan oleh Bawaslu secara umum telah memenuhi karakter kekuasaan quasi judicial yang dirumuskan oleh Jimly Asshiddqie.

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This thesis discusses the institutional review of Bawaslu with quasi-judicial or semi-judicial authority in solving electoral legal problems in administrative violations and electoral process disputes in the 2019 elections. This research is a normative legal research using library studies and interviews in data collection, then data- the data obtained were analyzed using a qualitative legal approach. Constitutionally, the formation of Bawaslu as a unified function of the administration of elections in Indonesia is based on Article 22 E paragraph (5) of the 1945 Constitution and is strengthened based on the Decision of the Constitutional Court Number 11 / PUU-VIII / 2010. Article 22 E paragraph (5) of the 1945 Constitution confirms that the election organizer is independent. In practice, Bawaslu has fulfilled its characteristics as an independent or independent State institution based on the basis of its formation. As an independent state institution, Bawaslu in an administrative manner is possible to have the authority to carry out the quasi judicial function. It is known that in the development of state institutions after the amendment to the 1945 Constitution, in addition to Bawaslu there are other independent state institutions that have authority with quasi-judicial functions. Such institutions include the Business Competition Supervisory Commission (KPPU) and the Public Information Commission (KIP). As the second layer state institution, the formation of Bawaslu, KPPU and KIP is outside the justice system in Indonesia. However, basically these independent state institutions perform a mixed function with their supporting nature to the main State institutions to carry out regulatory and administrative functions including quasi judicial functions in carrying out their duties and authorities. In carrying out the functions of quasi judicial power carried out by Bawaslu in general it has fulfilled the character of quasi judicial power formulated by Jimly Asshiddqie."

"Berisiknya dengungan para buzzer politik dapat menurunkan kualitas ruang publik dan demokrasi apabila berlangsung berkepanjangan. Fabrikasi percakapan, perang tagar serta disinformasi yang diproduksi oleh para pendengung politik dapat menimbulkan distorsi di ruang publik, mengaburkan batas antara aspirasi publik yang otentik dengan aspirasi rekaan. Kehadiran UU ITE dan Peraturan KPU belum mengatur tentang buzzer politik. Pengaturan dalam UU ITE Pasal 45A ayat (1), dianggap belum mampu menjerat tindakan buzzer politik yang bekerja dalam media sosial. Pendekatan yang dilakukan yaitu dengan menggunakan metode analisis normatif baik dengan pendekatan perundang-undangan dan pendekatan analitis. Pelibatan buzzer politik di media sosial guna mendongkrak suara pada pemilihan umum sungguh tidak tepat. Yang terjadi adalah realitas semu, karena dukungan yang diciptakan adalah dukungan yang dimobilisir dan memanipulasi kesadaran publik. Perlu didorong pencerdasan publik, sehingga akan terbentuk koneksi publik yang saling mengontrol. Peran dari elemen-elemen seperti organisasi masyarakat, kelompok intelektual, dan masyarakat luas yang harus saling terhubung agar membangun jaringan pesan yang kuat untuk melawan buzzer politik. Diharapkan juga ada pengaturan secara legal buzzer politik tersebut bekerja untuk siapa, di bawah agency apa, apakah dia terdaftar di agency itu, didanai oleh siapa dia. Hal ini juga tentunya dengan syarat mereka bergerak dengan akuntabel dan transparan.

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The noise of political buzzers can degrade the quality of public space and democracy if it lasts a long time. The fabrication of conversations, hashtag wars and disinformation produced by political buzzers can create distortions in public spaces, blurring the line between authentic public aspirations and engineering aspirations. The presence of ITE Law and KPU Regulations has not regulated the political buzzer. The regulation in ITE Law Article 45A paragraph (1), is considered not able to ensnare the actions of political buzzers who work in social media. The approach is done by using normative analysis methods both with statutory approaches and analytical approaches. The involvement of political buzzers on social media to boost the vote in the general election is not appropriate. What happens is pseudo reality, because the support created is the support that mobilized and manipulated the public consciousness. It needs to be encouraged by the public, so that there will be a public connection that controls each other. The role of elements such as community organizations, intellectual groups, and the wider community must be interconnected in order to build a strong message network to counter political buzzers. It is also expected that there is a legal arrangement of the political buzzer working for whom, under what agency, whether he is registered with that agency, funded by who he is. It is also of course on the condition that they move accountable and transparent."