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"In this article the author looks into social conflict and alternative solutions to the problem. He begins by discussing the merits of a conflict model in viewing society, as expounded by Dahrendorf, Bailey and others. The author argues that, in contrast, the New Order Regime of Indonesia followed a model of equilibrium, characteristic of most pseudo-democratic or authoritarian states. With an emphasis on gotong royong. uniformity, balance and harmony, any move toward individuality or anti-stability was seen as having no function in the maintenance of the system. Holding to this latter model, any view deviating from official policy was removed. Different views could only be expressed by those with power, who were in fact those in power. By setting the rules of the game, their own views were never seen as a form of deviation. This led to the emergence of conflict between various groups, whereby some were stripped of their identities, dignity and/or material resources in the interest of the state or more powerful groups. Conflicts between ethnic groups present a special problem, because any attack on the group is seen as an attack on the individual, and vice versa. The author suggests that with a conflict model, differences are a given, and conflicts give rise to competition where there exist rules for competition that are fair and well-enforced. These rules must be enforced by an impartial police. However, the incorporation of the police into the Indonesian military for the past 32 years has placed emphasis on the use of military tactics for resolving conflict. In fact, one solution to the problem of conflict is the presence of one institution or organization that can be trusted and depended upon by all parties involved; and this should be the police."

"In this article the author looks into social conflict and alternative solutions to the problem. He begins by discussing the merits of a conflict model in viewing society, as expounded by Dahrendorf, bailey, and others. The author argues that, in contrast, the New Order Regime of Indonesia followed a model of equilibrium , characteristic of most pseudo-democratic or authoritarian states...[...] the author suggest that with a conflict model, differences are given, and conflict give rise to competition where there exist rules for competition that are fair and well-enforced. These ruled must be enforced b and impartial police. However, the incorporation of the police into the Indonesian military for the past 32 years has placed emphasis on the use of military tactics for resolving conflicts. In fact, one solution to the problem of conflict is the presence of one institution or organization that can be trusted and depended upon by all partied involved; and this should be the police."

"Pengertian carok paling tidak harus mengandung lima unsur, yaitu tindakan atau upaya pembunuhan antarlaki-laki, pelecehan harga diri terutama berkaitan dengan kehormatan perempuan (istri), perasaan malu (malo), adanya dorongan, dukungan, persetujuan sosial disertai perasaan puas, dan perasaan bangga bagi pemenangnya (hlm. 184-185). Menurut hemat saya, carok sebagai media kultural untuk menunjukkan kejantanan dengan kekerasan fisik menjadi tidak jelas jika dihubungkan dengan nyelep (menyerang musuh dari belakang atau sampingketika musuh sedang lengah). Carok sebagai pembelaan terhadap harga diri yang terlecehkan menjadi 'tuna makna' kalau hanya dihubungkan dengan kehormatan perempuan. Carok bukan hanya penegakan kehormatan yang berhubungan dengan penghinaan terhadap istri, melainkan juga berhubungan dengan gangguan terhadap mantan istri yang telah dicerai, air, rumput, dan pelecehan agama. Carok dipandang oleh sebagian pelakunya sebagai suatu alat untuk memperoleh kekuasaan."

"The author looks into the problem of violent conflict and shows it links to a number of factors which include industrialization; crime; social, economic and political pressure; police violence and social entropy. Population pressures have led to environmental scarcity, leaving some groups with no ability to compete for resources. The larger part of the population lacks capital, as well as strategies for acquiring needed resources. These conditions invite violent conflict, as the less fortunate turn to violent action to survive. The problem is made worse by an industrialization without ethics, whereby the absence of guidelines for healthy competition increases the gap between capital holders and the larger population. At present, many of the conflicts that arise are attributed to social disequilibrium, and not to the rise in demand for basic needs. The author argues that a totally equilibrium state does not and cannot exist, even in hunter and gatherer societies that are purported to be egalitarian. Therefore, he suggests that what is needed are social institution that can guaranteed social justice, political democracy and cultural freedom instead."

"People from Buton, Southeast Sulawesi, have for centuries migrated to Ambon for work, there forming one of the most prominent communities of 'pendatang' along with the Bugis. Since the beginning of the recent conflicts in Maluku, official figures indicate that over 160,000people have returned to Buton (previous population 450,000) as refugees. This paper discusses the identity of these refugees and how the term 'refugee' may be misleading. Some of the 'refugees', who often ask to be referred to as 'returned migrants', had retained strong connections with their villages in Buton while they were living in Ambon. Their integration back into Butonese society after their flight from the conflict in Ambon poses, however, a number of serious challenges, especially for those born in Ambon. Having always been called 'Butonese' in Ambon, the returned migrants are often referred to as 'Ambonese' after their return to Buton and they often find it hard to adjust to life in Buton. This paper is based on fieldwork currently being undertaken in the village of Boneoge, Buton. I will discuss some aspects of the lives of the returned migrants in Buton, including their interactions with other Butonese people, as well as some of their perspectives on their own experiences. In Buton; perspectives on their identity are thus being expressed and contested through issues such as use of local languages, dance parties, and contested land rights. Their memories of life in Ambon, and of the conflict, also play a role in their constructions of identity, and in how they respond to challenges intheir lives in Buton now. Here memory is seen as a constructive process, which is culturally influenced, structured by narratives, and adapted to a context."

"Talking about tradition, it is kind of imagination of kinship in the past in an idealism positions in an orderly and harmonious level. Everyone respect each other and take position in the clan and their class respectively. The aims of this paper is to find out information about the institutions traditional role in the District Marawola to the conflict in the community. The research start with a literature study then continued with observation and interviews. This paper apply govern mentality theory that triggered by Michael Foucault. The results that found in this research that the traditional institutions began to lose its role, some of which are caused by the gap between the old and the young in the communities itself. Traditional institutions also lose their social legitimacy that seen from the shrinking role of traditional institutions, where traditional institutions only deal with traditional healing rituals, clearing land and harvesting rituals. Rules of traditional institutions such as law regulatory with sanctions are applied only in the form of oral speech in memory of the past in the absence of compliance with customary rules itself."

"Conflict studies are a social science field that identifies and analyses violent and nonviolent behaviors as well as the structural mechanisms attending social conflicts. This article seeks to analyze the methodology and conceptual problems in studying conflicts in Indonesia which is greatly influenced by Western social sciences tradition. The development of social sciences in Indonesia in describing conflict is supposed to be part of the root of Indonesian realities. However, Indonesian scholars lack of their own theoretical discourses which should have been developed by Indonesians to analyze conflict problems in the same level of understanding as if they were analyzed by Western perspective. As scientific discourses are socio-historical related, they go beyond than just ethic and emic principle in representing local perspective. The author also discusses conceptual misapprehension within Indonesian scholar regarding Modernist and Post-Modernist approach and research management"

"Konflik-konflik berdarah yang menyertai Indonesia setelah jatuhnya Orde Baru cenderung terjadi di Indonesia bagian Timur, dengan pengecualian daerah Aceh. Saat ini banyak analisis akademis, baik dalam bahasa Indonesia maupun Inggris yang telah mulai menguraikan aspek-aspek politis, sosial dan diskursif dari konflik-konflik di Timor Timur, Maluku, Maluku Utara, Poso, Kalimantan dan Papua. Penelitian-penelitian ini telah mulai meninggalkan penelaahan-penelaahan yang terlalu sederhana dan kerap sarat bias yang muncul segera setelah terjadinya konflik. Penelitian-penelitian tersebut mulai memberikan gambaran tentang konteks etnografis yang lengkap dan lebih rumit dari 'perang di Indonesia bagian Timur'. Gambaran ini memperlihatkan tercampur baurnya provokasi politik, ketegangan ekonomi, provokasi diskursif, dan adaptasi buletin lokal terhadap bentuk-bentuk identifikasi berdasarkan agama suku bangsa yang memberikan dorongan dan motif berbeda untuk ikut serta dalam setiap kerusuhan individual yang bergejolak di berbagai wilayah Indonesia Timur setelah tahun 1999. Walaupun setiap bentrokan/pertikaian (bahkan dalam satu wilayah konflik seperti Maluku atau Poso) seringkali bersifat unik secara politis dan pengalaman, mereka saling mempengaruhi satu sama lain. Setiap kerusuhan memupuk berkembangnya perasaan paranoia nasional yang disebarluaskan oleh media. Dalam prosesnya,setiap pertikaian/bentrokan menaburkan bibit-bibit kekerasan di tempat lainnya."

"The intention of this article is to discuss the relationship between the processes of fiscal and political decentralization, the outbreak of communal violence, and what I call 'the new politics of tradition' in Indonesia. In 1999 under the President Jusuf Habibie, the Indonesian parliament (DPR) voted in favour of two laws, No. 22 and 25 of 1999, which promised to leave a significant share of state revenues in the hands of the regional governments. Strongly supported by the liberal ideologues of the IMF and the World Bank, the two laws were envisaged within Indonesia as a necessary step towards devolving the centralized power of New Order patrimonialism and as a way of curbing separatism and demands for autonomy by giving the regional governments the constitutional and financial wherewithal to maintain a considerable degree of self-determination. Decentralization was in other words touted as the anti-dote to communal violence and separatist tendencies-an anti-dote administered or at least prescribed by multi-national development agencies in most conflict-prone areas of the world. This paper wishes to probe this idea by looking at the conflict and post-conflict situation in North Maluku. The conflict illustrates how local elites began jockeying for political control in anticipation of decentralization. The process of decentralization is in other words not merely an anti-dote but in some cases an implicated part in the production of violence. One reason for this is simply that the decentralization of financial and political control after three decades of centralization entails a significant shift in the parameters of hegemony-a shift towards which local political entrepreneurs in the regions are bound to react. The new 'politics of tradition' currently emerging in Indonesia is the combined result of changes in global forms of governance, a strong political focus on ethnic and religious identity in the 'era reformasi' and a local willingness to employ these identities to garner support in the new political landscape of decentralization."

"The ethnic conflict in Indonesia is a sign of huge problems facing Jakarta and local areas Indonesia, therefore the explanation for its occurrence cannot be produced without examining the central-periphery relations, which involve structural problems in constructing and maintaining power. Ethnicity, for instance, has become political commodity, which is constructed by central powers and made manifest through the concept of SARA (ethnicity, religion, race and inter-group relations). Thus, government tends to find and explain the root of ethnic conflict in ethnic cultural differences itself, whereby differences of ideology and life practices are viewed as the source of conflict. This article attempts to examine ethnic conflict by analyzing three main factors, which are first, the change in the balance of ethnic relations. Second, the imposition of a uniform politics in pluralistic society. Third, a weakening of traditional relationship and the credibility of local elites as a result of government intervention. Based on these three factors, this article concludes that ethnic conflicts are not only matters of ethnic cultural differences, but also are rooted much deeper in systematic mistakes in managing these differences and the conflicts itself ,where culture has been used for government's political interests."