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"People from Buton, Southeast Sulawesi, have for centuries migrated to Ambon for work, there forming one of the most prominent communities of 'pendatang' along with the Bugis. Since the beginning of the recent conflicts in Maluku, official figures indicate that over 160,000people have returned to Buton (previous population 450,000) as refugees. This paper discusses the identity of these refugees and how the term 'refugee' may be misleading. Some of the 'refugees', who often ask to be referred to as 'returned migrants', had retained strong connections with their villages in Buton while they were living in Ambon. Their integration back into Butonese society after their flight from the conflict in Ambon poses, however, a number of serious challenges, especially for those born in Ambon. Having always been called 'Butonese' in Ambon, the returned migrants are often referred to as 'Ambonese' after their return to Buton and they often find it hard to adjust to life in Buton. This paper is based on fieldwork currently being undertaken in the village of Boneoge, Buton. I will discuss some aspects of the lives of the returned migrants in Buton, including their interactions with other Butonese people, as well as some of their perspectives on their own experiences. In Buton; perspectives on their identity are thus being expressed and contested through issues such as use of local languages, dance parties, and contested land rights. Their memories of life in Ambon, and of the conflict, also play a role in their constructions of identity, and in how they respond to challenges intheir lives in Buton now. Here memory is seen as a constructive process, which is culturally influenced, structured by narratives, and adapted to a context."

"People from Buton, Southeast Sulawesi, have for centuries migrated to Ambon for work, there forming one of the most prominent communities of 'pendatang' along with the Bugis. Since the beginning of the recent conflicts in Maluku, official figures indicate that over 160,000people have returned to Buton (previous population 450,000) as refugees. This paper discusses the identity of these refugees and how the term 'refugee' may be misleading. Some of the 'refugees', who often ask to be referred to as 'returned migrants', had retained strong connections with their villages in Buton while they were living in Ambon. Their integration back into Butonese society after their flight from the conflict in Ambon poses, however, a number of serious challenges, especially for those born in Ambon. Having always been called 'Butonese' in Ambon, the returned migrants are often referred to as 'Ambonese' after their return to Buton and they often find it hard to adjust to life in Buton. This paper is based on fieldwork currently being undertaken in the village of Boneoge, Buton. I will discuss some aspects of the lives of the returned migrants in Buton, including their interactions with other Butonese people, as well as some of their perspectives on their own experiences. In Buton; perspectives on their identity are thus being expressed and contested through issues such as use of local languages, dance parties, and contested land rights. Their memories of life in Ambon, and of the conflict, also play a role in their constructions of identity, and in how they respond to challenges intheir lives in Buton now. Here memory is seen as a constructive process, which is culturally influenced, structured by narratives, and adapted to a context."

"This article examines a dispute over proper religious practice in an all-Muslim village in Buton, Southeast Sulawesi. Traditionalists and modernists disagree over whether agricultural ceremonies involving offerings for territorial spirits should be allowed to continue. Local views on this dispute are explored with reference to the historical context of religious practice in the village, and processes of social change over the past several generations. It is argued that key social, political and economic dynamics which are relevant to the current religious dispute include the decline of agriculture in the village, the eclipsing of the Butonese Sultanate and integration into the Indonesian state, and new patterns of mobility whereby many villagers have become migrants to urban centers in eastern Indonesia. Thus it traces how processes of the increasing penetration of capitalism, the decline of traditional authority, and new patterns of mobility have played out in this particular village in the context of a dispute over religious practice."

"Buton manuscripts indicated that Buton Kingdom appeared in 14th Century. In the periods of the 17 th, 18th, and 19th centuries, Buton Kingdom initiated to be the free kingdom. In the begining of 20th , dutch colonial goverment incorporated that the Buton kingdom and placed it under their rule. The principles were laid down based on the social cultural in eceonomic development. Relation to be governed especially are in the field of education, health, and economy. In 1960, Buton kingdom was dissolved following the death of Sultan Laode Muhammad Falihi as the last sultan. During the kingdom era, Buton social system consisted of three groups namelly kaomu, walaka, and papara. The system was established as power of ideology in Buton social political system in the era of goverment the fourth Sultan Dayanu Ikhsanuddin in 1578-1615. The Katobengke people as the subject and object of this paper belong to papara group. In the era of Buton Kingdom, the society was dominated by kaomu and walaka groups. This condition existed until the new order era, where in this period the dominant groups still have cultural and stereotype views toward this people as ini the era Buton kingdom. This paper focuses on the phenomena of power in the dynamic Buton?s social structure. In the Buton social structure, kaomu and walaka groups claimed them selves as the groups who have higher civilization in comparation with the Katobengke people, until today."

"Indonesia yang berideologi Pancasila, dikenal sebagai suatu bangsa yang toleran meski memiliki aneka sukubangsa, budaya dan agama. Akhir-akhir ini, isu dan realitas konflik antaragama dan antarsukubangsa semakin merebak. Simbol-simbol keagamaan acapkali dimanipulasi oleh kelompok-kelompok tertentu. Manipulasi semacam itu yang melahirkan konflik-konflik agama turut menantang khasanah budaya Indonesia yang toleran, yang telah sekian lama diakui dan dijunjung tinggi. Semangat toleransi itu di antaranya dibangun diatas landasan ideologi nasional Pancasila dan khasanah budaya lokal seperti pela gandong dari Ambon atau budaya rumah adat dari Flores. Dalam artikel ini penulis berargumentasi bahwa manipulasi simbol-simbol agama tidak akan pernah dapat menyelesaikan konflik-konflik agama dan sukubangsa yang terjadi, baik di Ambon maupun tempat-tempat lain diIndonesia. Bertolak dari teori bandul toleransi antaragama (pendulum swing theory of religious tolerance), penulis berargumentasi bahwa pendekatan budaya sebagaimana dikaji dalam studi kasus tentang 'budaya rumah adat Keo' dari Flores Tengah dan peristiwa Kupang (1998) dapat menjadi acuan untuk belajar dari pengalaman. Lebih lanjut, otonomi agama,baik di tingkat institusi maupun personal, merupakan suatu kondisi mutlak untuk mempertahankan Indonesia sebagai suatu negara kesatuan. Agama tanpa otonomi, dan bahkan yang secara sengaja dipolitisasi oleh sejumlah elite politik dan kelompok-kelompok fanatik, akan secara mudah menyulut terjadinya konflik-konflik agama. Pemerintah Indonesia, pemimpin-pemimpin agama dan para penganut aneka agama seyogianya menyatakan rasa 'sesal dan tobat', bila mereka ingin membuka jalan ke arah rekonsiliai dan melanjutkan kehidupan yang harmonis sebagai suatu negara kesatuan."

"The religious-ethnic violence in Maluku has unearthed a complex network of rivalries, inequalities and rhetoric. Opinions as to the causes of the conflict, and possible avenues for reconciliation are extremely diverse, and reflect many of the tensions and challenges faced by Indonesia as a whole, as it moves towards decentralization. One of the elements of Maluku society that has proved to be controversial in this context is tradition or adat. This paper explores some current perspectives on the role of adat in Maluku, and its potential for social transformation. Does a situation as extreme as that in Maluku itself encourages radical transformation and creative solutions for rebuilding civil society, or does it simply further entrench existing prejudice and power relations? How will regional autonomy influence this? What relation do these questions have to other reconciliation initiatives? The paper does not attempt to draw far-reaching conclusions about the future role of adat in Maluku society, but simply indicates some of the questions to be asked and answered in the years ahead. It provides examples of past activities, current perspectives, and future possibilities. It is hoped that these questions will contribute to an already lively debate at the local level."

"This article describes the relationship between power, history and identity in the processof division North Buton of Muna. In this article the presence of North Buton identity is seen asa phenomenon that refers to the identity of reproduction historical narrative where Kulisusuin historical context has a power relationship with the kingdom of Buton which lasted fromthe 17th century. This study found; that the presence of North Buton identity is a product ofdiscourse that legitimized by indigenous groups who identify themselves as descendants ofthe founder of the kingdom Kulisusu. it means that the identity of North Buton formed dueto higher power structures Barata Kulisusu surviving in culture Kulisusu People. This studyalso found that reproductive identity North Buton a political attempt to discover the identityof distinguishing between Kulisusu and People Muna (identity as a weapon of resistance).This distinctive identity in turn managed to attract popular support for the masses who feelconnected to that identity."

"The religious-ethnic violence in Maluku has unearthed a complex network of rivalries, inequalities and rhetoric. Opinions as to the causes of the conflict, and possible avenues for reconciliation are extremely diverse, and reflect many of the tensions and challenges faced by Indonesia as a whole, as it moves towards decentralization. One of the elements of Maluku society that has proved to be controversial in this context is tradition or adat. This paper explores some current perspectives on the role of adat in Maluku, and its potential for social transformation. Does a situation as extreme as that in Maluku itself encourages radical transformation and creative solutions for rebuilding civil society, or does it simply further entrench existing prejudice and power relations? How will regional autonomy influence this? What relation do these questions have to other reconciliation initiatives? The paper does not attempt to draw far-reaching conclusions about the future role of adat in Maluku society, but simply indicates some of the questions to be asked and answered in the years ahead. It provides examples of past activities, current perspectives, and future possibilities. It is hoped that these questions will contribute to an already lively debate at the local level. "

"Dalam mengulas kekerasan di Maluku, penjelasan-penjelasan yang beredar di media cetak dan eletronik cenderung memfokus pada upaya pelaku-pelaku politik nasional dan regional dalam melakukan pemanipulasian dan penghasutan untuk melakukan kekerasan. Teori-teori ini, yang disebut penulisnya dengan 'instrumentalis' (instrumentalist), menyarankan bahwa kekerasan di Maluku dipandang sebagai hasil dari 'instrumen' permainan dan tipu daya politik. Motif-motif untuk menghasut atau memulai terjadinya kekerasan di Maluku dideskripsikan secara beragam sebagai megalomaniak politik atau keserakahan ekonomi. Membongkar dimensi ini, yang disebut dengan 'organisasi politik', merupakan tugas yang amat penting. Akan tetapi teori 'instrumentalis', menurut penulisnya, tidak dapat menjelaskan mengapa kekerasan di Maluku Utara dan Maluku Tengah berlanjut hingga lebih dari dua tahun, dan mengapa kekerasan berakar serta bertahan di tingkat lokal. Penjelasan itu dinilainya mempertahankan pandangan yang elitis tentang tindakan sosial, serta gagasan yang disederhanakan tentang kekuasaan. Penulis mengajukan sudut pandang yang lain, yakni suatu pendekatan 'dari bawah' yang memandang proses dikodifikasikannya konflik itu dalam narasi setempat sebagai sesuatu yang 'agamawi' (religious) setelah awal tahun 1999. Secara khusus, penulisnya memfokuspada salah satu narasi, yakni narasi 'millenarian'. Dalam narasi ini, dibayangkan terjadinya pertarungan besar-besaran (an up-coming apocalyptic battle) antara umat Kristen dan Islam sebagai tanda tibanya dunia kiamat. Penulis berargumentasi bahwa narasi itu berperanan dalam mempertahankan terjadinya kekerasan di Maluku Tengah dan Utara, karena ia membakar dan sebaliknya, diperkaya oleh nada yang konspiratif dari banyak laporan media massa tentang kekerasan. Walau didorong oleh imajinasi politik yang berbeda, penjelasan instrumentalis dan gagasan tentang 'millenarian' itu memiliki kesamaan nada bersifat konspirasi. Kedua narasi itu saling menyuburkan dan keduanya, menjadi pelaku dalam 'kerusuhan Maluku'."

"This article asks the question how Banda displaced from the Banda Islands due to colonization of Banda by the VOC in 1621, maintain their existence as a sustainable cultural group. Banda communities play an important role in maritime commerce in the eastern part of Indonesia at the beginning of the colonial period. They survive as one cultural group in two villages on the islands of Kei. The traditional songs of the two villages center on the sea voyage. The argument is that Banda people are mobilized by oral traditions that reveal the kinship ties of Banda people with their partners in commerce in distant lands."