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"In this article, the author describes the history of changes among the Kamoro in Mimika. Some of the changes-due to changes in their physical, social, and cultural environment-were unexpected and surprising, so that they were not ready to cope with. Consequently, there were two prominent implications in their life: the increase of consumerism behavior, and the occurrence of more frequent conflicts among themselves. In the final part, the author examines the Kamoro relationship with outsiders, of how they categorize the latter, and with whom they used to generate conflicts. Recently, conflicts mainly occur on the problems of land dispute with outsiders, and in the competition to get the 'one million-dollars' funds from PT Freeport."

"In this article, the author argues for the inappropriateness of the government's policy and approach in its efforts to 'develop' the indigenous people who have been categorized as 'masyarakat terasing'. Through his analysis on the program of Pembinaan Kesejahteraan Masyarakat Terasing (PKMT), the author assumes that the program has failed. He examines the failure by looking closely at the livelihood of Orang Laut in Indragiri Hilir, the fishermen, who used to live collectively along the seashore and spend most of their time in boats. They refused to stay in the resettlement village which was provided by the government who did not base its program on the social-cultural-economic reality."

"The Ambonese is a community that underwent changes from time to time as a result of the influence of religion, government's policies and global culture. The changes have further implications. A considerable 'in group' solidarity of village as totality (supported by villagers and their special rights, excluding the newcomers) became segregated because of religion. Religion has taken over the traditional rites. The village as an entity of traditional laws based upon genealogy has undergone changes into a public village. The village has become multi profiled with its activities based on needs, e.g. the ceremonial needs for the benefits of traditions. Traditional institutions that strengthened social relations between villages have weakened as a result of the government's policies, and so is the traditional institutions that fulfill the needs of the traditional community."

"This article discusses the cultural history sketch of Orang Suku Laut (the Sea Tribe) and its implications for social relations patterns with the Malays in Riau Islands, Indonesia. Problems arise now in nomadic ethnic tribe when they interacting with the Malays. Many Malays people perceive Orang Suku Laut as a backward or primitive people. This point of view emerged from a long history of Orang Suku Laut in Riau Islands, and at present, the discourse is supported by the government which resettled them from the sea to the land as part of the modernization of disadvantaged areas in the New Order era. This government label to them was later influenced the Malays perception. Moreover, negative assumption also appears along with the cultural identity differences between both of the tribes, of which the Malays condense with Islamic tradition, while Orang Suku Laut doesn?t. At this situation, thus the identity of Orang Suku Laut is staked within socio-cultural dispute or contestation (the attraction process) among themselves in practicing their everyday lives."

"Buton manuscripts indicated that Buton Kingdom appeared in 14th Century. In the periods of the 17 th, 18th, and 19th centuries, Buton Kingdom initiated to be the free kingdom. In the begining of 20th , dutch colonial goverment incorporated that the Buton kingdom and placed it under their rule. The principles were laid down based on the social cultural in eceonomic development. Relation to be governed especially are in the field of education, health, and economy. In 1960, Buton kingdom was dissolved following the death of Sultan Laode Muhammad Falihi as the last sultan. During the kingdom era, Buton social system consisted of three groups namelly kaomu, walaka, and papara. The system was established as power of ideology in Buton social political system in the era of goverment the fourth Sultan Dayanu Ikhsanuddin in 1578-1615. The Katobengke people as the subject and object of this paper belong to papara group. In the era of Buton Kingdom, the society was dominated by kaomu and walaka groups. This condition existed until the new order era, where in this period the dominant groups still have cultural and stereotype views toward this people as ini the era Buton kingdom. This paper focuses on the phenomena of power in the dynamic Buton?s social structure. In the Buton social structure, kaomu and walaka groups claimed them selves as the groups who have higher civilization in comparation with the Katobengke people, until today."

"This article will discuss legal and social discrimination against Chinese ethnic group in Indonesia and will show that the ethnic Chinese has been categorized as The Other since Chinese people are believed to have come from foreign country (China) and maintain their identity as different from other Indonesian ethnic groups. The discussion is focused on the essence of Indonesia as a multicultural society based on ethnicities as social force to develop social interactions within social, economy and political structures at the personal, social and state levels."

"Pengertian carok paling tidak harus mengandung lima unsur, yaitu tindakan atau upaya pembunuhan antarlaki-laki, pelecehan harga diri terutama berkaitan dengan kehormatan perempuan (istri), perasaan malu (malo), adanya dorongan, dukungan, persetujuan sosial disertai perasaan puas, dan perasaan bangga bagi pemenangnya (hlm. 184-185). Menurut hemat saya, carok sebagai media kultural untuk menunjukkan kejantanan dengan kekerasan fisik menjadi tidak jelas jika dihubungkan dengan nyelep (menyerang musuh dari belakang atau sampingketika musuh sedang lengah). Carok sebagai pembelaan terhadap harga diri yang terlecehkan menjadi 'tuna makna' kalau hanya dihubungkan dengan kehormatan perempuan. Carok bukan hanya penegakan kehormatan yang berhubungan dengan penghinaan terhadap istri, melainkan juga berhubungan dengan gangguan terhadap mantan istri yang telah dicerai, air, rumput, dan pelecehan agama. Carok dipandang oleh sebagian pelakunya sebagai suatu alat untuk memperoleh kekuasaan."

"Outbreaks of violence in eastern Indonesia in 1998 were characterized by attacks on migrants from Sulawesi. Anti-Bugis prejudice has a long history in the archipelago, but historically it has been expressed in differing ways. What explanations have been put forward for political/ethnic violence in Indonesia? By comparing the discussion of last year's conflict with that after the post-coup killings, for example, the author raises the question of 'what do we learn'? Is sociological logic adequate in these situations? In this article the author argues that at the foremost, we have to move beyond the reification of ethnic and religious difference, which produce their own mythic enchantment. Explanations of violence need to be grounded in specific historical analysis, in this case the recent history of Indonesian politics."

"The Balinese believe that Leyak or ghost is an etiology of illness. To become a Leyak or to ngleyak, one must perform black magic or pangleyakan. The method of obtaining the pangleyakan is by studying under a dukun pangleyakan or dukun pangiwa, a special indigenous medical practitioner who masters the pangleyakan. A person can also obtain the pangleyakan from his/her parent. Moreover, he or she can request the pangleyakan to Goddess Durga, the goddess of black magic. When pangleyakan is used by somebody, he/she becomes a Leyak, and will have the ability to take the shape of a certain animal, a ghostly light, a body without a head - the varieties are endless. This can only be performed at night. A Leyak disturbs other people until they are sick or even die. Nevertheless, they believe that they can cope with the Leyak through the use of amulet or by performing the magical religious ritual."

"Konflik-konflik berdarah yang menyertai Indonesia setelah jatuhnya Orde Baru cenderung terjadi di Indonesia bagian Timur, dengan pengecualian daerah Aceh. Saat ini banyak analisis akademis, baik dalam bahasa Indonesia maupun Inggris yang telah mulai menguraikan aspek-aspek politis, sosial dan diskursif dari konflik-konflik di Timor Timur, Maluku, Maluku Utara, Poso, Kalimantan dan Papua. Penelitian-penelitian ini telah mulai meninggalkan penelaahan-penelaahan yang terlalu sederhana dan kerap sarat bias yang muncul segera setelah terjadinya konflik. Penelitian-penelitian tersebut mulai memberikan gambaran tentang konteks etnografis yang lengkap dan lebih rumit dari 'perang di Indonesia bagian Timur'. Gambaran ini memperlihatkan tercampur baurnya provokasi politik, ketegangan ekonomi, provokasi diskursif, dan adaptasi buletin lokal terhadap bentuk-bentuk identifikasi berdasarkan agama suku bangsa yang memberikan dorongan dan motif berbeda untuk ikut serta dalam setiap kerusuhan individual yang bergejolak di berbagai wilayah Indonesia Timur setelah tahun 1999. Walaupun setiap bentrokan/pertikaian (bahkan dalam satu wilayah konflik seperti Maluku atau Poso) seringkali bersifat unik secara politis dan pengalaman, mereka saling mempengaruhi satu sama lain. Setiap kerusuhan memupuk berkembangnya perasaan paranoia nasional yang disebarluaskan oleh media. Dalam prosesnya,setiap pertikaian/bentrokan menaburkan bibit-bibit kekerasan di tempat lainnya."