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"Multilingualism in EU is a state of affairs emerged as a range of different languages encounter one another. The history of European integration and the course of language policy in EU show that there is no policy on the language of EU. Issues related to language regulate themselves to practical tenets. This is what is identified as laissez-faire policy model. The putting into practice of this laissez-faire policy model in EU has significant implications to French language. They are closely correlated with the question of power. France, as a member-state having a vital role and strong leadership character in integration, perceives this circumstance as a form of threat against the strength and the popularity of its language.Situations of multilingualism and language policy belong to one theoretical framework of sociolinguistics study and come into surface alongside political thinking_ One of the sociolinguistics scholars is Pierre Bourdieu, who suggests diverse concepts; among them are champ, capital, habitus, ilhrsio, libido and symbolique violance. Bourdieu develops sociology theory and associates it with other studies, such as media, literature, and politics. The study on Ianguage policy in ELI in this thesis applies the approaches put forward by Bourdieu. EU has been an arena of political interest struggle (champ) to two key member states i.e. France and the UK. Both states engage in the champ and draw on different capital. Language policy is the primary factor determining the dissemination and reinforcement of French language. France has vigorously promoted its language by employing massive policies on language and culture. Nevertheless, the results of these efforts cannot go beyond the popularity of English in EU, which in this case is influenced by the factors of economy, culture, and politics.There is in fact another factor that determines the dissemination and reinforcement of English language, i.e_ the factor of the U.S. soft power. This thesis uses the concepts of power proposed by Joseph Nye Jr as well. Nye Jr defines soft power as an ability to gain what is desired by means better than force or money. English has ties to the economic system and global network dominated by the U.S. English itself is an integral part of globalization. The power of globalization becomes a habitus which at the end supports the dissemination and reinforcement of English language. The government of the UK does not need to carry out massive efforts similar to the ones done by the French government to elevate its language on top of language hierarchy. If hierarchy of language is regarded as something that is proper and natural, the acknowledgment of one single dominant language will easily take place. English will easily become the lingua franca of EU. EU's language policy which regulates to practical tenets will turn English into the de facto dominant language. This condition can eventually deteriorate EU's slogan of united in diversity_ The challenge for EU now lies on the ways of how to manage and regulate issues concerning language to strengthen the slogan without having to diminish the national identity of its member states."

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Nama                         : Megan Anglingsari Raritra Intanti

Program Studi             : Ilmu Hubungan Internasional

Judul                          : Kebijakan Luar Negeri Uni Eropa

Pembimbing                : Dr. phil. Yandry Kurniawan

 

Kajian Analisis Kebijakan Luar Negeri atau FPA telah menjadi bidang studi independen dalam ilmu hubungan internasional sejak tahun 1950an. Fokus FPA terhadap proses pengambilan keputusan kebijakan luar negeri dianggap telah berhasil menjawab permasalahan studi HI yang cenderung menciptakan jarak antara politik domestik dan internasional. Menariknya, klaim bahwa FPA telah inklusif menuai kritik diantara cendekia Eropa, khususnya dalam pembahasan kebijakan luar negeri Uni Eropa. Maka dari itu, tulisan ini bertujuan untuk menunjukkan bagaimana literatur menempatkan kebijakan luar negeri Uni Eropa diantara kajian FPA. Dalam rangka mencapai tujuan tersebut, penulis menyusun 96 total temuan literatur dengan akreditasi internasional dalam empat kategori tema, yaitu: (1) konsep kebijakan luar negeri Uni Eropa; (2) institusionalisasi kebijakan luar negeri Uni Eropa; (3) Uni Eropa sebagai aktor; dan (4) lingkup kawasan kebijakan luar negeri Uni Eropa. Upaya tinjauan literatur menghasilkan beberapa temuan seperti konsensus, perdebatan, dan kesenjangan terkait topik ini. Selain itu, tulisan ini juga menelusuri tren tema literatur, persebaran penulis, serta tren persebaran paradigmatik. Berangkat dari kondisi tersebut, tulisan ini berhasil menyingkap fakta bahwa FPA belum menjadi perspektif yang umum digunakan dalam mengkaji kebijakan luar negeri Uni Eropa. Meskipun begitu, tulisan ini tidak menemukan literatur yang menolak keberadaan kebijakan luar negeri Uni Eropa. Tulisan ini akan ditutup dengan penjabaran sejumlah rekomendasi untuk penelitian selanjutnya yang meliputi perluasan paradigmatik khususnya FPA dan pendekatan kritis, serta topik-topik yang belum banyak terbahas tetapi cukup relevan dengan kondisi empirik kebijakan luar negeri Uni Eropa.

 

 

 

Kata kunci:

Analisis Kebijakan Luar Negeri, Uni Eropa, kebijakan luar negeri Uni Eropa, European Foreign Policy, hubungan eksternal Uni Eropa, EPC, CFSP

 

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Name                        : Megan Anglingsari Raritra Intanti

Study Program           : International Relations

Title                          : European Union’s Foreign Policy

Counsellor                 : Dr. phil. Yandry Kurniawan

 

Foreign Policy Analysis or FPA has been developed as an independent field of international relations (IR) studies since the 1950s. FPA’s primary focus on foreign policy decision making processes is considered to have successfully answered IR studies problem which tends to create a gap between domestic and international politics. Interestingly, the claim that FPA has been inclusive drawn criticism among European scholars, particularly in the discussion of the EU's foreign policy. Therefore, this paper aims to explain how literature interpret EU’s foreign policy among FPA studies. In order to achieve this goal, the authors compiled 96 total international accreditation literature within four categories of themes, namely: (1) the concept of EU’s foreign policy; (2) institutionalization of EU’s foreign policy; (3) European Union as an actor; and (4) regional scope of the EU’s foreign policy. This literature review has resulted in several findings such as consensus, debates, and gaps related to this topic. In addition, this paper also traces the literature trend, distribution of authors’ origin, as well as the paradigmatic trend. Based on these conditions, this paper was successfully revealed the fact that FPA is not a mainstream perspective in studying EU’s foreign policy. Even so, this paper didn’t identify scholar that rejects the idea of EU’s foreign policy. This paper will conclude with some recommendations for further research including paradigmatic diversification, especially FPA and a critical approach, as well as topics that rarely discussed but are quite relevant to the empirical conditions of EU’s foreign policy.

 

 

 

Keywords:

Foreign Policy Analysis, European Union, European Foreign Policy, EU Foreign Policy, EU External Relations, EPC, CFSP

 

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"Selama beberapa dekade terakhir, terjadi peningkatan perdebatan mengenai kedaulatan dalam kajian Ilmu Hubungan Internasional. Salah satu titik krusial yang mendorong perdebatan ini adalah terbentuknya Uni Eropa melalui Maastricht Treaty pada tahun 1992. Setelah itu, terdapat beragam literatur yang membahas mengenai kedaulatan di Uni Eropa, sehingga diperlukan sebuah kajian kepustakaan. Untuk menjawab permasalahan tersebut, studi ini memetakan perkembangan literatur mengenai kedaulatan di Uni Eropa pasca Maastricht Treaty. Dari tiga puluh artikel jurnal/buku/chapter edited volume yang dikaji, terdapat empat tema besar yaitu (1) karakteristik kedaulatan di Uni Eropa; (2) dinamika kedaulatan dalam kebijakan di Uni Eropa: antara intergovernmentalisme dan supranasionalisme (3) faktor-faktor yang mempengaruhi penerimaan terhadap perubahan bentuk kedaulatan di Uni Eropa dan (4) kritik terhadap penerapan kedaulatan di Uni Eropa. Setelah melakukan pemetaan dan analisis literatur, kajian kepustakaan ini menghasilkan beberapa temuan. Pertama, karakter kedaulatan di Uni Eropa memiliki penafsiran yang berbeda-beda, mulai dari kedaulatan dipandang disatukan (pooled sovereignty), dibagi (shared sovereignty), hingga dianggap masih berada di negara. Kedua, penerapan kedaulatan dalam tatanan praktis dalam level kebijakan di Uni Eropa dapat bertahan maupun berubah, menyesuaikan preferensi negara-negara anggotanya. Ketiga, penerimaan negara terhadap beragam bentuk kedaulatan di Uni Eropa dipengaruhi oleh faktor ekonomi, faktor interdependensi, dan faktor keamanan. Keempat, dinamika serta cara pandang terhadap kedaulatan di Uni Eropa tampaknya dipengaruhi oleh fenomena-fenomena empirik atau perkembangan yang terjadi di Uni Eropa. Terakhir, dari keseluruhan literatur, studi ini mengindentifikasi celah literatur yang terdapat dalam sedikitnya analisis mengenai kedaulatan dalam kebijakan di Uni Eropa, serta kurangnya studi komparatif yang membandingkan kedaulatan di Uni Eropa dengan kedaulatan dalam entitas politik lainnya.

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Over the last few decades, the topic of Sovereignty has been increasingly discussed in International Relations. One of the crucial factors leading to the debate was the establishment of the European Union through the enactment of Maastricht Treaty in 1992. As an effect, various literature discussing sovereignty in the European Union emerged and subsequently neccessitates a literature review on it. This study mapped various literature on sovereignty in the European Union after Maastricht Treaty. By taking into account thirty journal articles/books/chapters of edited volume, this study found four major themes in the literature: (1) the characteristics of sovereignty in the European Union; (2) the dynamics of sovereignty in the European Union policies: between intergovernmentalism and supranationalism; (3) the factors influencing the acceptance of the changing form of sovereignty in the European Union; and (4) the critiques on the implementation of sovereignty in the European Union. After mapping and analyzing the literature, this study found several important points. First, the characters of sovereignty in the European Union result in various interpretations such as pooled sovereignty, shared sovereignty, and sovereignty that are embedded within member states. Second, the implementation of sovereignty in the European Union policies could both be static or dynamic, depending on the member states' preferences. Third, member states’ acceptance of various sovereignty forms in the European Union are influenced by economic, interdependence, and security factors. Fourth, the dynamics of the sovereignty in the European Union are perceived to be influenced by events happening in the European Union. Lastly, this study identifies several literature gaps on the lack of literature analyzing sovereignty aspect of European Union’s policies and the minimum amount of comparative studies between sovereignty in the European Union and sovereignty in other political entities."

"Tesis ini membahas fenomena munculnya kebijakan Uni Eropa di bidang perfilman, dan bagaimana kebijakan itu mempengaruhi kebijakan perfilman di negara-negara anggota Uni EropaHasil penelitian yang dilakukan menunjukkan bahwa kebijakan perfilman Uni Eropa terbentuk karena adanya shared ideas yang dimiliki para pemimpin dan pejabat Uni Eropa, serta pemimpin dan pejabat di negara-negara anggotanya. Shared ideas itu tumbuh karena pemahaman yang sama akan ancaman dan kepentingan yang dihadapi, terutama di bidang perfilman.Berdasarkan studi kasus kebijakan perfilman di negara-negara Jerman, Inggris, Italia dan Perancis, terlihat bahwa kebijakan dan regulasi perfilman di negara-negara itu sangat dipengaruhi oleh kebijakan perfilman Uni Eropa. Namun, kebijakan di level nasional itu, juga mempengaruhi kebijakan di tingkat Uni Eropa.

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The Focus of this study is about European Union Film Policy, and how those policy influence film policy in European Union member state.This research showed that the formulation of European Unon Film Policy, is based on shared ideas that slowly develop among European Union leaders and its member states leaders. This shared ideas is came from the same feeling of treat and interest that developed among European leader.Based on case studies of Germany, Britain, Italy and France national film policy, we can see that regulation and film policy in those country is definitely being influenced by European Union Film Policy. But those country policy also influence decision making in European level."

"[ABSTRAKUni Eropa menggalakkan slogan "Eropa, Tujuan Wisata No 1 di Dunia" sejak 2010,diawali dengan pembaharuan kebijakan pariwisata Uni Eropa yang berlandaskanhukum Traktat Lisabon 2009. Namun, program pariwisata berkelanjutan dilakukanmulai 2006. Pariwisata, yang merupakan kegiatan lintas sektor, menjadi komoditasindustri Uni Eropa. Mereka memiliki kompetensi untuk mendukung pelaksanaankegiatan pariwisata di Negara Anggota. Belgia, Belanda, dan Luksemburg adalahNegara Anggota Uni Eropa yang unik, mereka tergabung pula dalam organisasiregional Uni Benelux. Sektor pariwisata di tiga negara Benelux menarik perhatian.Sejak 2006 Belanda selalu unggul dalam jumlah kedatangan wisatawaninternasional, disusul Belgia kemudian Luksemburg. Pelaksanaan dan kebijakanpariwisata di setiap negara berperan penting dalam memajukan pariwisata mereka.

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ABSTRACTEuropean Union promotes the slogan "Europe, the world's No. 1 tourist destination"since 2010, initiated from the renewal of the European Union tourism policy basedon the Lisbon Treaty, 2009. However, sustainable tourism program has beenconducted by the European Union since 2006. Tourism as a cross-sector activityhas become the European Union's industrial commodity. European Union has acompetence to support the implementation of tourism activities in Member States.Belgium, The Netherlands, and Luxembourg are unique Member States, they arealso incorporated in the Benelux Union, a regional organization. Tourism sector ofthe three countries gains attention. Since 2006 The Netherlands has been always onfirst place regarding to the number of international tourist arrivals, followed byBelgium and Luxembourg. The implementation of tourism policy of each countryand the policy itself plays an important role in creating the advancement of tourism, European Union promotes the slogan "Europe, the world's No. 1 tourist destination"since 2010, initiated from the renewal of the European Union tourism policy basedon the Lisbon Treaty, 2009. However, sustainable tourism program has beenconducted by the European Union since 2006. Tourism as a cross-sector activityhas become the European Union's industrial commodity. European Union has acompetence to support the implementation of tourism activities in Member States.Belgium, The Netherlands, and Luxembourg are unique Member States, they arealso incorporated in the Benelux Union, a regional organization. Tourism sector ofthe three countries gains attention. Since 2006 The Netherlands has been always onfirst place regarding to the number of international tourist arrivals, followed byBelgium and Luxembourg. The implementation of tourism policy of each countryand the policy itself plays an important role in creating the advancement of tourism]"

"Tesis ini meneliti bagaimana liputan media tentang krisis imigran di Italia dan Spanyol memengaruhi proses decision-making kebijakan penanganan imigran kedua negara tersebut. Tesis ini memiliki dua tujuan penelitian: (1) menjelaskan bagaimana media Italia dan Spanyol melakukan representasi diskursif aktor-aktor politik dalam krisis imigran di negara mereka dan (2) menelaah hubungan antara representasi aktor-aktor politik tersebut dan proses pengambilan keputusan (decision-making) kebijakan penanganan imigran di negaranya masing-masing. Menerapkan teori analisis wacana kritis sosiosemantik Theo van Leeuwen dan pendekatan konstruktivisme Alexander Wendt, publikasi daring dua surat kabar terbesar Italia (Corriere della Sera, La Repubblica) dan Spanyol (El País, El Mundo) antara tahun 2014 dan 2016 dianalisis. Hasil analisis menunjukkan bahwa representasi diskursif aktor-aktor politik dalam masing-masing surat kabar mencerminkan kecenderungan ideologis mereka, di mana pemberitaan cenderung menekankan perbedaan antara “kita” (Uni Eropa dan pemerintah) dan “mereka” (para pencari suaka) serta meniadakan kemanusiaan para pencari suaka. Kecenderungan ideologis dari representasi aktor-aktor politik keempat surat kabar itu sendiri merupakan cerminan bagaimana Italia dan Spanyol memandang krisis imigran Eropa sebagai ancaman terhadap identitas nasional mereka. Dengan bantuan media massa, Italia dan Spanyol melakukan sekuritisasi terhadap krisis imigran Eropa untuk “membujuk publik agar setuju” mengambil tindakan-tindakan yang tegas, ekstrem, dan terkadang melanggar hukum dalam menghadapi ketidakstabilan dan ketidakpastian krisis. Selain itu, dalam konteks integrasi Eropa, konflik “kita” versus “mereka” menjadi sebuah bukti akan kurangnya solidaritas di antara negara-negara anggota dan naiknya kepopuleran populisme serta nasionalisme individu, sehingga hal ini mengundang pertanyaan mengenai rapuhnya Uni Eropa sebagai proyek integrasi.

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This thesis investigates how media coverage of the European refugee crisis in Italy and Spain influences policymakers’ decisions on how to deal with asylum seekers and refugees in both countries. Two research objectives are outlined as the foundation of the thesis: (1) to explain how political actors in the refugee crisis are represented in the Italian and Spanish press, and (2) to investigate the relationship between the political actors’ discursive representations and their countries’ immigration policy decision-making process. Online publications about the European refugee crisis from two mainstream news agencies in Italy (Corriere della Sera, La Repubblica) and Spain (El País, El Mundo) between 2014 and 2016 are analyzed using Theo van Leeuwen’s sociosemantic approach of critical discourse analysis and Alexander Wendt’s constructivist approach. The findings of the thesis reveal that each newspaper’s discursive representations of political actors are in accordance to their ideological tendencies, with the news emphasizing the divide between “us” (the European Union and the government) and “them” (asylum seekers) and erasing asylum seekers’ humanity. The ideological tendencies in the four newspapers’ representation of political actors reveal how Italy and Spain perceive the European refugee crisis as a danger to their national identity. With the help of mass media, Italy and Spain securitize the European refugee crisis in order to “persuade the public to consent” to take bold, radical, and sometimes law-breaking measures in dealing with the crisis’ instability and uncertainty. In addition, the “us” against “them” conflict in the context of European integration reflects a lack of cooperation among member states, as well as the rising appeal of populism and individual nationalism, creating concerns about the European Union’s viability as an integration project."

"Tesis ini membahas mengenai pembentukan peraturan keamanan data European Union General Data Protection Regulation (EU GDPR). Uni Eropa berhasil menetapkan EU GDPR pada tahun 2016, disaat negara-negara masih kesulitan menghasilkan kebijakan keamanan yang dapat menjangkau ranah siber secara efektif. Peraturan tersebut berbentuk regulasi sehingga tidak membutuhkan ratifikasi tingkat nasional, sedangkan belum semua negara anggota Uni Eropa memiliki aturan dasar mengenai keamanan siber. Sehingga menjadi pertanyaan mengapa Uni Eropa berhasil membentuk EU GDPR tanpa mendapatkan penolakan dari badan-badan Uni Eropa. Penelitian dilakukan menggunakan metode kualitatif dan teori neofungsionalisme sebagai kerangka analisis. Neofungsionalisme melihat adanya fenomena spillover dalam terjadinya integrasi di Eropa. Tiga variabel spillover yaitu functional spillover, political spillover dan cultivated spillover menjadi faktor-faktor yang mempengaruhi pembentukan kebijakan. Berdasarkan faktor-faktor tersebut disimpulkan bahwa peran badan supranasional merupakan kunci penting pada proses integrasi penyebab berhasilnya pembentukan EU GDPR.

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This thesis examines the establishment of EU's new data protection regulation, European Union General Data Protection Regulation (EU GDPR). EU officially signed EU GDPR in 2016, at the moment when states are still in the hassle of procuring a security policy which able to reach the cyberspace effectively. With the form of an EU regulation the EU GDPR do not have to go through ratification on national level, whereas many of EU countries still haven't set their own basic law on cyber security yet. Thus, it brings up the question on why EU's managed to establish EU GDPR without any objections from the EU bodies. This study uses quantitative methodology and neofunctionalism theory as the analytical framework. Neofunctionalism recognize the spillover phenomenon in the occurrence of European Integration. Three variables of spillover: functional spillover, political spillover and cultivated spillover are the main factors which decides the result of the policy agreement. Based on those factors it can be concluded that supranational bodies within EU act as the important key regarding the process of integration which lead to the successful establishment of EU GDPR."

"Meskipun Uni Eropa telah secara eksplisit menyatakan ambisinya untuk mencapai kedaulatan digital pada tahun 2020, pemahaman terhadap istilah tersebut masih minim dan belum familiar. Kajian literatur ini bertujuan untuk memahami perkembangan literatur tentang kedaulatan digital di Uni Eropa dan mengidenfikasi celah yang terdapat dalam berbagai literatur tersebut. Metode pengikutsertaan (inclusion) dan pengecualian (exclusion) digunakan untuk menelusuri literatur yang akan digunakan dalam kajian literatur ini, sedangkan metode taksonomi digunakan untuk mengorganisasikan literatur-literatur yang ditemukan dengan melakukan klasifikasi sesuai dengan tema-tema dominan. Dengan menggunakan 43 literatur, kajian literatur ini menunjukkan bahwa perkembangan literatur tentang kedaulatan digital di Uni Eropa berada dalam tiga kategori bahasan utama, yaitu: (1) konseptualisasi kedaulatan digital di Uni Eropa; (2) strategi kedaulatan digital di Uni Eropa; dan (3) aktor dalam kedaulatan digital di Uni Eropa. Setelah mengkaji berbagai literatur tersebut, kajian literatur ini menemukan bahwa kedaulatan digital merupakan manifestasi dari keinginan Uni Eropa untuk mengatur ruang siber agar selaras dengan nilai-nilai Uni Eropa di tengah persaingan geopolitik antara Amerika Serikat dan Tiongkok, serta dominasi kedua negara tersebut dalam ranah digital. Temuan tersebut menunjukkan bahwa kajian tentang strategi konkret Uni Eropa untuk mencapai kedaulatan digital masih berhubungan erat dengan ranah keamanan dan pertahanan. Perkembangan literatur turut mengidentifikasi bahwa dalam konteks kedaulatan digital di Uni Eropa, kajian tentang hubungan Uni Eropa dengan aktor negara lain masih didominasi oleh hubungannya dengan Amerika Serikat dan Tiongkok. Fenomena tersebut menyingkap celah yang ditemukan dalam berbagai literatur tersebut, seperti minimnya literatur yang membahas tentang strategi konkret Uni Eropa untuk mencapai kedaulatan digital dalam ranah ekonomi, hubungan Uni Eropa dengan negara-negara lain selain Amerika Serikat dan Tiongkok, peran aktor non-negara lain selain perusahaan swasta, hingga siapa sesungguhnya yang berwenang untuk mengatur kedaulatan digital di Uni Eropa. Akhir kata, kajian literatur ini diharapkan dapat berkontribusi dalam memperkaya pemahaman terhadap kedaulatan digital di Uni Eropa sekaligus memberikan rekomendasi praktis terhadap pengimplementasian kedaulatan digital di Uni Eropa.

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Although the European Union explicitly declared its ambition to achieve digital sovereignty in 2020, the understanding of this term is still limited and unfamiliar. This literature review aims to understand the development of literature on digital sovereignty in the European Union and identify gaps in the existing literatures. The inclusion and exclusion methods are employed to select relevant literatures for this review, while the taxonomy method is used to organize the identified literatures by classifying them according to dominant themes. Based on the analysis of 43 literature sources, this literature review reveals that the literatures on digital sovereignty in the European Union fall into three main categories of discussion: (1) the conceptualization of digital sovereignty in the European Union; (2) the digital sovereignty strategies in the European Union; and (3) actors in digital sovereignty in the European Union. After examining various literatures, this literature review argues that digital sovereignty is a manifestation of the European Union’s desire to regulate cyberspace in line with European values amidst the geopolitical competition between the United States and China, as well as the dominance of these two countries in the digital realm. These findings highlight the close relationship between concrete strategies for achieving digital sovereignty in the European Union and the domains of security and defense. The literature development also identifies that in the context of digital sovereignty in the European Union, studies on the European Union's relations with other countries are still dominated by its relationship with the United States and China. These occurrences reveal several gaps in these literatures, such as a limited number of literatures have addressed concrete strategies of the European Union to achieve digital sovereignty in the economic domain, the European Union’s relations with countries other than the United States and China, the role of non-state actors besides private enterprises, and the authority responsible for regulating digital sovereignty in the European Union. In conclusion, this literature review is expected to contribute to a better understanding of digital sovereignty in the European Union and provide practical recommendations for the implementation of digital sovereignty in the European Union."

"Penelitian ini adalah analisis kritis terhadap hegemoni, konflik kepentingan, serta politik luar negeri Prancis dan Uni Eropa di 6 kawasan Teritori Seberang Lautan (Territoire dOutre Mer) Prancis yang juga merupakan Outermost Region (OR) Uni Eropa, yakni Guadeloupe, Guyana Prancis, Réunion, Martinique, Mayotte, dan Saint-Martin. Keenam teritori itu ialah bekas jajahan Prancis yang kini terintegrasi secara politik dengan Uni Eropa sebagai Teritori Seberang Lautan Prancis. Penelitian ini memiliki 2 tujuan. Pertama, untuk memperoleh penjelasan atas motivasi yang mendorong Prancis dan Uni Eropa mempertahankan 6 OR itu meskipun terpaut jarak yang jauh, dependen secara ekonomi, dan memiliki budaya yang berbeda dari Prancis Metropolitan. Kedua, untuk mengetahui bagaimana kebudayaan yang terbentuk akibat interaksi Prancis, UE, dan OR. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini ialah metode kualitatif dengan pendekatan hubungan internasional dan sejarah kebudayaan. Adapun teori yang dipakai sebagai instrumen analisis ialah teori Hegemoni Gramsci-baik yang menggunakan perspektif HI, maupun kebudayaan-teori Neofungsionalisme Ernst B. Haas, serta teori Praktik Budaya Pierre Bourdieu. Di akhir penelitian ini, terlihat bahwa motivasi Prancis dan UE tetap mempertahankan keenam OR Prancis ialah (1) keuntungan ekonomi, (2) ekspansi Euro dan politik UE di luar Eropa Daratan, (3) kekuasaan kelompok elit, serta (4) idealisme Prancis untuk mempertahankan pengaruhnya sebagai sebuah imperium yang besar. Interaksi antara Prancis dan OR lebih mempengaruhi kebudayaan OR dibandingkan sebaliknya. Hal ini disebabkan oleh kekuatan simbolik yang dimiliki Prancis lebih besar dibandingkan OR. Prancis mengakibatkan lahirnya kreolitas dan identitas ganda di OR, sedangkan OR mengubah Prancis yang mulanya tidak menoleransi kreolitas menjadi negara yang mengakui fenomena itu sebagai bagian dari kekayaan nasional. Interaksi itu juga mengubah sistem pendidikan Prancis menjadi lebih terbuka pada kebutuhan untuk mempelajari bahasa-bahasa minor teritorinya.

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This study is a critical analysis of hegemony, conflict of interest, as well as French and European Union foreign policy in 6 French Overseas Territories (Territoire dOutre Mer) which are also the European Unions Outermost Region (OR), namely Guadeloupe, French Guiana, Réunion, Martinique, Mayotte, and Saint-Martin. The six territories are former French colonies which are now politically integrated within the European Union as the French Overseas Territory. This study has 2 objectives. First, to get an explanation of the motives that pushed France and the European Union to maintain the 6 ORs even though they were at a great distance, economically dependent, and has had a different culture from Metropolitan France. Second, to gain understanding on how culture is formed due to France, the EU and the ORs interaction. This study employes qualitative methods within international relations and cultural approaches. The theories which were used as instruments of analysis were Gramscis Hegemony theory, Ernst B. Haas Neofunctionalism theory, and Pierre Bourdieus Cultural Practice theory. At the end of this study, it appears that the motivation of France and the EU to maintain its ORs are (1) economic benefits, (2) Euro and EU expansion outside of Mainland Europe, (3) elite group power, and (4) French idealism to maintain its influence as a great empire. The interaction between France and its ORs has more influence on OR culture than vice versa. This is due to the symbolic powers that France possesses are far greater than ORs. Such interaction has resulted in the birth of creativity and multiple identities in the ORs. On the other hand, ORs had also promted France to shift from a regime which did not tolerate creolness into a country that acknowledges divesity as a national asset. The interaction also changed French education system to be more open to territorial minor languages."

"Penelitian ini memberi fokus pada implementasi konsep Cultural Exception sehingga menjadi identik dan selaras dengan kebijakan kebudayaan Prancis hingga kini dalam menghadapi tantangan era digital. Penelitian ini juga bertujuan untuk mengeksplorasi politik kebudayaan Prancis dan politik kebudayaan Uni Eropa terkait industri audiovisual dalam proses peninjauan ulang Directive AVMSD 2018. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan memanfaatkan baik data kualitatif maupun data kuantitatif. Penelitian ini mengaplikasikan teori identitas, teori politik kebudayaan, dan juga konsep Cultural Exception. Hasil sementara menunjukkan bahwa pemerintah Prancis menganggap industri audiovisual sebagai bagian dari identitas nasional serta merupakan warisan budaya negaranya, sedangkan Uni Eropa menggunakan industri audiovisual sebagai alat untuk mengintegrasikan Eropa sebagai satu identitas.

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This research focuses on the implementation of the Cultural Exception concept so that it becomes identical and in line with French cultural policies up to now facing the challenges of the digital era. This study also aims to explore French Cultural Politics and European Union Cultural Politics related to the audiovisual industry in the process of reviewing the 2018 AVMSD Directive. This study uses qualitative methods by utilizing both qualitative and quantitative data. This research applies identity theory, theory of Cultural Politics, and also the concept of Cultural Exception. Interim results show that the French government considers the audiovisual industry as part of its national identity and as a cultural heritage of its country, while the European Union uses the audiovisual industry as a tool to integrate Europe as a single identity."