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Abstrak :
ABSTRAK
Tesis ini membahas tentang Strategi Koalisi oleh Perusahaan-Perusahaan Anggota IBCA untuk Penanggulangan HIV/AIDS Dalam Menjawab Tantangan Tanggung Jawab Sosial Perusahaan Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dengan jenis penelitian deskriptif. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa implementasi prinsip CSR, yaitu sustainability dan stakeholder sudah ada dalam visi dan misi IBCA namun pada prakteknya belum diterapkan secara maksimal. Lebih lanjut lagi keberlangsungan koalisi sudah berjalan sesuai isu dan komitmen anggota sangat kuat, serta mekanisme pengelolaan koalisi sudah baik, namun insentif dan manfaat IBCA bagi anggotanya belum maksimal

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ABSTRACT
This thesis discusses the Coalition Strategy by IBCA Members for HIV / AIDS as a Challenges of Corporate Social Responsibility. This study used a qualitative approach with descriptive research. The results showed that the implementation of CSR principles, sustainability and stakeholders, existing in the vision and mission of IBCA but in practice has not been applied to the fullest. Furthermore coalition is going according to HIV/AIDS issues and the very strong commitment of members, as well as the mechanism of coalition management is good, but the incentives and benefits for its members IBCA is not maximized

Abstrak :
ABSTRAK
Skripsi ini membahas mengenai lolosnya kebijakan Kontantstøtte di parlemen Norwegia (Storting) pada tahun 1998. Diinisiasi oleh partai kecil, yakni Kristelig Folkeparti, kebijakan Kontantstøtte merupakan kebijakan yang kontroversial terkait dengan dualisme kebijakan keluarga yang diakibatkannya. Melalui model penelitian kualitatif, penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui bagaimana sebuah partai kecil yang tergabung dalam pemerintahan minoritas dapat meloloskan sebuah kebijakan yang kontroversial. Analisis menggunakan teori koalisi ini mengungkap dukungan dari partai di luar koalisi terhadap kebijakan tersebut. Dukungan muncul dari adanya mutually beneficial agreement antara pemerintahan minoritas dengan partai di luar koalisi.

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ABSTRACT
This thesis scrutinizes the passing of Kontantstøtte policy by Norwegian parliament (Storting) in 1998. Kontantstøtte is a controversial policies initiated by small party namely Kristelig Folkeparti. The emergence of Kontantstøtte policy is the cause of family policy dualism in Norway. Through a qualitative research, this study aims to examine how Kontantstøtte policy could passed, emphasized on the supporting actors outside the minority government. The support arise from the existence of mutually beneficial agreement between the minority government and parties outside the coalition.

Abstrak :
Koalisi dan oposisi sebagai bagian pemerintahan di Indonesia dapat memiliki hubungan dengan kinerja keuangan. Tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk menguji secara empiris mengenai peran koalisi dan oposisi politik di pemerintahan yaitu Kota/ Kabupaten. Jumlah sampel yang diambil adalah 429 Kota/ Kabupaten selama 2 tahun (2015-2016). Total observasi adalah 858. Semua sampel dari Indonesia. Pengukuran penelitian menggunakan regresi (panel data). Kinerja Keuangan diukur dari proporsi Pendapatan Asli Daerah (PAD) dibagi dengan total aset. Koalisi politik diukur dari jumlah anggota koalisi DPRD (berasal dari partai yang sama dengan Bupati/ Walikota) dibagi total anggota DPRD. Oposisi adalah pemenang dari partai kedua (oposisi) dibagi dengan jumlah anggota DPRD. Penelitian ini menggunakan koalisi dan oposisi politik yang ditinjau dari Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah (DPRD). Data penelitian dari LKPD, KPU, Jariungu dan BPS 2015-2016. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa koalisi politik tidak berpengaruh terhadap kinerja keuangan. Hal ini dapat diartikan bahwa, DPRD berusaha tetap menjalankan kegiatannya sesuai dengan aturan Undang-Undang. Koalisi DPRD menjalankan kegiatannya sesuai dengan aturan dan tidak hanya mementingkan posisinya di partai saja, hal ini terbukti pada beberapa kota di Indonesia yang tetap memiliki kinerja keuangan yang baik walaupun dikuasai koalisi. Penelitian ini juga menemukan bahwa oposisi tidak berpengaruh terhadap kinerja keuangan. Hal ini dapat disebabkan oleh jumlah oposisi yang relatif lebih sedikit dibandingkan jumlah koalisi. Ini menunjukkan bahwa struktur DPRD tidak secara langsung memiliki hubungan dengan kinerja keuangan pemerintah daerah. ......Coalition and opposition as part of government in Indonesia can have a relationship with financial performance. The purpose of this study is to empirically examine the role of coalition and political opposition in government, namely the City/Regency. The number of samples taken was 429 cities/districts for 2 years (2015-2016). Total observations were 858. All samples were from Indonesia. Measurement of research using regression (panel data). Financial Performance is measured by the proportion of Local Own Revenue (PAD) divided by total assets. Political coalitions are measured by the number of DPRD coalition members (from the same party as the Bupati/Walikota) divided by the total DPRD members. The opposition is the winner of the second party (the opposition) divided by the number of DPRD members. This study uses a coalition and political opposition in terms of the Regional House of Representatives (DPRD). Research data from LKPD, KPU, Jariungu and BPS 2015-2016. The results showed that political coalition had no effect on financial performance. This can be interpreted that the DPRD is trying to keep running its activities in accordance with the provisions of the Act. The DPRD Coalition carries out its activities according to the rules and not only prioritizes its position in the party, this is evident in several cities in Indonesia that still have good financial performance even though controlled by the coalition. This study also found that opposition had no effect on financial performance. This can be caused by the relatively smaller amount of opposition compared to the number of coalitions. The results of this study indicate that the structure of the DPRD does not directly have a relationship with the financial performance of local governments.

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Proses pemekeran Provinsi Cirebon dimulai sejak tahun 2009, ketika Presidium Pembentukan Provinsi Cirebon (P3C) dideklarasikan. Sampai tahun 2019, P3C belum mampu membentuk koalisi elite politik lokal untuk mengusulkan pemekaran Provinsi Cirebon, sebagaimana yang tercantum dalam Pasal 8 Peraturan Pemerintah No 78 tahun 2007 tentang tata cara pembentukan, penghapusan, dan penggabungan daerah menyebutkan bahwa cakupan wilayah pembentukan provinsi paling sedikit 5 (lima) kabupaten/kota. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dengan metode penelitian studi kasus yang berada di wilayah Kabupaten Cirebon, Kabupaten Majalengka, Kabupaten Indramayu, Kabupaten Kuningan dan Kota Cirebon (ciyaumajakuning). Teknik pengambilan data dilakukan dengan wawancara, observasi dan dokumentasi, teknik analisis data menggunakan reduksi data, penyajian data dan penarikan kesimpulan. Hasil menunjukkan bahwa tidak terbentuknya koalisi elite politik lokal di ciayumajakuning dikarenakan adanya perbedaan isu di antara kelompok elite politik lokal yang menyetujui (elite politik di Kabupaten Cirebon, Kabupaten Indramayu dan Kota Cirebon) dengan elite politik lokal yang menolak (elite politik di Kabupaten Majalengka dan Kabupaten Kuningan) mengenai isu pemanfaatan sumber daya ekonomi, pembangunan daerah, kepentingan politik, etnisitas dan sejarah politik eks-karesidenan Cirebon. Selain itu, lemahnya koalisi elite politik lokal yang hanya didukung oleh tiga wilayah dan perilaku koruptif para elite yang menyetujui usulan pemekaran Provinsi Cirebon baik di tingkat bawah maupun tingkat atas, berakibat pada tidak terbentuknya pemekaran Provinsi Cirebon selama tahun 2009-2019. ......The proliferation process of the Cirebon Province began in 2009, when the Presidium Pembentukan Provinsi Cirebon (P3C) was declared. Until 2019, the P3C had not been able to form a coalition of local political elites to propose the proliferation of the Cirebon Province, as stated in Article 8 of Government Regulation No. 78 of 2007 concerning the procedures for forming, abolishing and merging regions, stating that the area of the formation of provinces was at least 5 (five) district / city. This study uses a qualitative approach with case study research methods in the areas of Cirebon Regency, Majalengka Regency, Indramayu Regency, Kuningan Regency and Cirebon City (ciyaumajakuning). Data collection techniques carried out by interviews, observation and documentation, data analysis techniques using data reduction, data presentation and drawing conclusions. The results show that there was no coalition of local political elites in the Ciayumajakuning area due to differences in issues between local political elite groups that agreed (political elites in Cirebon Regency, Indramayu Regency and Cirebon City) with local political elite groups that refused (political elites in Majalengka Regency and Regency Kuningan) concerning the issue of utilizing economic resources, regional development, political interests, ethnicity and the political history of the ex-residency of Cirebon. In addition, the weak coalition of the local political elite which was only supported by three regions and the corrupt behavior of the elite who agreed to the proposed proliferation of the Cirebon Province both at the lower and upper levels, resulted in the absence of the proliferation of Cirebon Province during 2009-2019.

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Di Indonesia, dalam suasana yang demokratis, pemerintahan koalisi ditemui dalam semua sistem pemerintahan yang pernah berlaku. Realitas koalisi di Indonesia menunjukkan berbagai masalah baik dalam pembentukkannya maupun pengelolaannya, masalah yang dihadapi telah mengancam bahkan merusak stabilitas pemerintahan. Dalam pemerintahan yang dibentuk berdasar koalisi, potensi instabilitas memang lebih tinggi. Praktik penerapan koalisi di negara-negara bersistem parlementer di Eropa Barat menunjukkan bahwa stabilitas pemerintahan dijaga melalui aturan-aturan hukum yang memagari setiap tahapan pemerintahan. Proses politik yang terjadi dalam pembentukan dan mekanisme berlangsungnya koalisi sangat terpengaruh kepada aturan yang berlaku. Negara-negara bersistem presidensial di Amerika Latin juga menghadapi masalah ancaman stabilitas pemerintahan akibat dari dinamika koalisi yang tinggi. Di sistem presidensial Amerika Latin, aturan hukum menjadi alat untuk mendesain suasana yang kondusif bagi pembentukan dan pengelolaan koalisi dalam rangka menjaga stabilitas pemerintahan. Praktik pemerintahan koalisi sepanjang sejarah ketatanegaraan Indonesia dan Praktik pengaturan terkait koalisi di negara-negara parlementer Eropa Barat serta negara-negara presidensial di Amerika Latin digunakan oleh penelitian normatif ini sebagai bahan pendekatan sejarah (historical approach) dan pendekatan perbandingan (comparative approach). Kedua pendekatan ini digunakan untuk mendapatkan jawaban bagi stabilitas pemerintahan dalam pembentukan dan pengelolaan pemerintahan koalisi di sistem presidensial Indonesia berdasar UUD NRI Tahun 1945. Desain aturan hukum untuk menjaga stabilitas pemerintahan koalisi yang terbentuk di Indonesia memperhitungkan realitas sistem kepartaian dan pemerintahan di Indonesia, karakter sistem presidensial dan perkembangan sistem parlementer dalam menjaga stabilitas sebagai tempat berasalnya konsep pemerintahan koalisi. Desain untuk stabilitas tersebut antara lain didapat dari penggabungan pemilihan umum serentak dengan sistem pemilihan presiden plurality atau majority with reduced threshold, pelembagaan koalisi pemerintahan yang sejajar dengan koalisi legislatif, dan penggunaan kekuasaan konstitusional presiden di bidang legislatif sebagai instrumen untuk membangun dan mengelola koalisi pemerintahan. ......In Indonesia, in a democratic atmosphere, the coalition government is found in every government systems ever applied. In the era of parliamentary government, a coalition government is inevitable due to the fact that the parliament was fragmented so that no single party held an absolute majority of the seats. In the era of presidential government, a coalition government is also an option for the elected president even tough coalition was not the source of legitimacy for the ruling government. President who ruled in a highly fragmented multiparty situation chose to form a coalition to ensure the stability of the government. In reality, coalition in Indonesia showed various problems both in terms of the establishment and management. Problems encountered have threatened and even destabilized the government. In a government established under coalition, government stability is is likely to have more problems. Coalition practiced in countries applying parliamentary system in Western Europe show that government stability is maintained through legal rules that hedged every stage of governance. Political processes that occur in the establishment and the mechanism of coalition course are greatly affected by the prevailing rules. Latin American countries applying presidential system also face threats in the government stability due to the high dynamics of the coalition, just like the case in Western Europe. It can be seen on their experience designing a coalition through prevailing rules and laws. Coalition practiced by the government throughout the history of Indonesia and ruling practices in relations to coalitions in Western European countries applying the parliamentary system and Latin American countries applying the presidential system are used by these normative research as a source of historical approach and comparative approach. Both of these approaches are used to get an answer to the stability of the government in establishing and managing a coalition government in Indonesia’s presidential system based on Indonesia’s 1945 Constitution. Legal rulings designed to maintain the stability of the coalition government, take the reality of the party system and the Indonesian government, the characteristics of the presidential system and the development of parliamentary system into account in maintaining stability as the source of the concept of a coalition government. Designs to create the stability are among others received by combining simultaneous election with plurality presidential election or majority presidential election with reduced threshold, government coalition institutionalization parallel to legislative coalition, employment president’s legislative constitutional power as an instrument to form and manage the government coalition.

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Are newly established presidential democracies doomed to fail? In support of their positive answer to this question, advocates of parliamentarism point out that these regimes tend to last longer than presidential ones. This book takes a contrary view. It argues that most of the reasons offered for the poor survival record of presidential democracies - that they are prone to deadlocks, offer no incentives for coalition formation, make political parties weak, and fragment decision making - have neither sound theoretical foundations nor any empirical support. In fact, what has made presidential democracies more fragile is that they typically emerged in countries where the military was already strong, which placed democracy of any kind at risk. Therefore, the prospects of new democracies that have established a directly elected president as their head of government may be better than usually considered. Instead of attempting to change the form of government, institutional reformers should thus concentrate on designing a better presidential democrac

Abstrak :
Skripsi ini membahas mengenai implementasi sistem pertahanan rakyat semesta dalam peraturan perundang-undangan pasca amandemen Pasal 30 Undang-Undang Dasar 1945. Pengaturan mengenai keikutseraan warga negara pasca amandemen pasal 30 Undang-undang Dasar 1945 terdapat dalam Undang-undang No.3 tahun 2002 tentang Pertahanan Negara, Peraturan Presiden No.7 tahun 2008 tentang Kebijakan Umum Pertahanan Negara, dan Buku Putih Pertahanan Indonesa. Prinsip hak asasi manusia yang terkait dengan keikutsertaan warga negara dalam sistem pertahanan terdapat dalam Kovenan Hak-hak Sipil dan Politik. Melalui penelusuran terhadap peraturan-peraturan tersebut dapat dikatuhui bahwa konsep keikutsertaan warga negara dalam sistem pertahanan rakyat semesta pasca amandemen hanya berkutat pada tataran wacana yang bersifat umum tidak dapat diwujudkan dalam praktik sehingga prinsip-prinsip hak asasi manusia belum diterapkan secara maksimal. This thesis talk's about the implementation of Indonesia's total people defence system in Laws and regulation after the amandement of Article 30 Undang- Undang Dasar 1945 (The 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia). The Regulation about the implementation of Indonesia's total people defence system in Laws and regulation after the amandement of Article 30 Undang-Undang Dasar 1945 (The 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia) can be found in Undang-undang No.3 tahun 2002 tentang Pertahanan Negara (State Defense Law), Peraturan Presiden No.7 tahun 2008 tentang Kebijakan Umum Pertahanan Negara, and Buku Putih Pertahanan Indonesa (Indonesia's Defense White Book). Human rights principles which are related into implementation of Indonesia's total people defence system in Laws and regulation after the amandement of Article 30 Undang-Undang Dasar 1945 (The 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia) can be found in International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. This research result The rights of citizen to participate in Indonesia Total People Defense System are generally concept in Indonesia Law and cannot be used for practical purpose, therefore this conditions make human rights principles has not been implemented in a best way.