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Abstrak :
The most valuable people in and around an organization are often the most difficult to manage. They are the "elites" -- executives, highly educated professionals, investors, board members, experts in critical functions, and others -- whose special talents or positions give them unusual power and independence from those who seek to lead them. These influential individuals are not motivated by visionary speeches, by teambuilding sessions, or by a need to prove themselves (or keep their jobs). They are important assets to the company -- but only when their strengths can be harnessed and aligned with organizational goals.

Abstrak :
"Social and economic histories of the long eighteenth century have largely ignored women as a class of landowners and improvers. 1700 to 1830 was a period in which the landscape of large swathes of the English Midlands was reshaped--both materially and imaginatively--by parliamentary enclosure and a bundle of other new practices. Outside the Midlands too, local landscapes were remodelled in line with the improving ideals of the era. Yet while we know a great deal about the men who pushed forward schemes for enclosure and sponsored agricultural improvement, far less is known about the role played by female landowners and farmers and their contributions to landscape change.Drawing on examples from across Georgian England, Elite Women and the Agricultural Landscape, 1700-1830 offers a detailed study of elite women's relationships with landed property, specifically as they were mediated through the lens of their estate management and improvement. This highly original book provides an explicitly feminist historical geography of the eighteenth-century English rural landscape. It addresses important questions about propertied women's role in English rural communities and in Georgian society more generally, whilst contributing to wider cultural debates about women's place in the environmental, social and economic history of Britain. It will be of interest to those working in Historical and Cultural Geography, Social, Economic and Cultural History, Women's Studies, Gender Studies and Landscape Studies."--Provided by publisher.

Abstrak :
The research used multi cases study about the delvery of religious dialogue which bases on Islamic framework and the changes in the point of view of social culture in Salatiga......

Abstrak :
Proses pemekeran Provinsi Cirebon dimulai sejak tahun 2009, ketika Presidium Pembentukan Provinsi Cirebon (P3C) dideklarasikan. Sampai tahun 2019, P3C belum mampu membentuk koalisi elite politik lokal untuk mengusulkan pemekaran Provinsi Cirebon, sebagaimana yang tercantum dalam Pasal 8 Peraturan Pemerintah No 78 tahun 2007 tentang tata cara pembentukan, penghapusan, dan penggabungan daerah menyebutkan bahwa cakupan wilayah pembentukan provinsi paling sedikit 5 (lima) kabupaten/kota. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dengan metode penelitian studi kasus yang berada di wilayah Kabupaten Cirebon, Kabupaten Majalengka, Kabupaten Indramayu, Kabupaten Kuningan dan Kota Cirebon (ciyaumajakuning). Teknik pengambilan data dilakukan dengan wawancara, observasi dan dokumentasi, teknik analisis data menggunakan reduksi data, penyajian data dan penarikan kesimpulan. Hasil menunjukkan bahwa tidak terbentuknya koalisi elite politik lokal di ciayumajakuning dikarenakan adanya perbedaan isu di antara kelompok elite politik lokal yang menyetujui (elite politik di Kabupaten Cirebon, Kabupaten Indramayu dan Kota Cirebon) dengan elite politik lokal yang menolak (elite politik di Kabupaten Majalengka dan Kabupaten Kuningan) mengenai isu pemanfaatan sumber daya ekonomi, pembangunan daerah, kepentingan politik, etnisitas dan sejarah politik eks-karesidenan Cirebon. Selain itu, lemahnya koalisi elite politik lokal yang hanya didukung oleh tiga wilayah dan perilaku koruptif para elite yang menyetujui usulan pemekaran Provinsi Cirebon baik di tingkat bawah maupun tingkat atas, berakibat pada tidak terbentuknya pemekaran Provinsi Cirebon selama tahun 2009-2019. ......The proliferation process of the Cirebon Province began in 2009, when the Presidium Pembentukan Provinsi Cirebon (P3C) was declared. Until 2019, the P3C had not been able to form a coalition of local political elites to propose the proliferation of the Cirebon Province, as stated in Article 8 of Government Regulation No. 78 of 2007 concerning the procedures for forming, abolishing and merging regions, stating that the area of the formation of provinces was at least 5 (five) district / city. This study uses a qualitative approach with case study research methods in the areas of Cirebon Regency, Majalengka Regency, Indramayu Regency, Kuningan Regency and Cirebon City (ciyaumajakuning). Data collection techniques carried out by interviews, observation and documentation, data analysis techniques using data reduction, data presentation and drawing conclusions. The results show that there was no coalition of local political elites in the Ciayumajakuning area due to differences in issues between local political elite groups that agreed (political elites in Cirebon Regency, Indramayu Regency and Cirebon City) with local political elite groups that refused (political elites in Majalengka Regency and Regency Kuningan) concerning the issue of utilizing economic resources, regional development, political interests, ethnicity and the political history of the ex-residency of Cirebon. In addition, the weak coalition of the local political elite which was only supported by three regions and the corrupt behavior of the elite who agreed to the proposed proliferation of the Cirebon Province both at the lower and upper levels, resulted in the absence of the proliferation of Cirebon Province during 2009-2019.

Abstrak :
Tulisan ini berusaha menganalisis penyebab faksionalisme di PAN tahun 2020. Temuan menunjukkan faksionalisme disebabkan oleh kombinasi dua faktor, yakni kebijakan mengenai pilihan koalisi pasca Pilpres 2019 dan personalisasi elit di dalam partai. Untuk memperoleh data, penulis menggunakan penelitian kualitatif dengan melakukan wawancara mendalam sejumlah pengurus DPP PAN, serta mengumpulkan dokumen dari media, penelitian sebelumnya, dan dokumen internal partai. Pilihan koalisi PAN terbagi menjadi tiga faktor kunci. Pertama, pragmatisme untuk memaksimalkan kekuasaan (office-seeking) secara instrumental dengan mempengaruhi kebijakan yang akan dikeluarkan pemerintah. Pragmatisme juga disebabkan faktor historis PAN tidak pernah menjadi partai oposisi. Kedua, faktor ideologis terkait upaya elit partai untuk mengembalikan PAN ke ideologi tengah berdasarkan evaluasi hasil pemilu 2019 dimana kedekatan PAN dengan Islam konservatif gagal mendongkrak perolehan suara. Ketiga, adanya intervensi rezim melalui ancaman kriminalisasi hukum terhadap beberapa kader PAN. Faktor penguat adanya faksionalisasi intra partai juga disebabkan personalisasi politik Amien Rais. Amien berperan penting melalui pengaruh pribadi dirinya yang membawa PAN menjadi oposisi Jokowi meski tidak melalui keputusan formal partai. Perpecahan semakin meluas disebabkan dukungan Amien Rais terhadap pencalonan Mulfachri Harahap di Kongres sebagai bentuk perlawanan kebijakan partai yang bergabung kepada koalisi pemerintah. Personalisasi ini juga berkembang pada upaya penguatan figur Amien Rais di dalam partai dengan mencalonkan Hanafi menjadi calon Sekjen PAN. Faksionalisme ini menunjukkan anomali yang signifikan sepanjang terbentuknya PAN, yaitu peran Amien Rais yang memudar terkait kekalahan Mulfachri Harahap di Kongres 2020. ......This paper seeks to analyze the causes of factionalism in the PAN in 2020. The findings show that factionalism is caused by a combination of two factors, namely policies regarding the choice of coalition after the 2019 presidential election and the personalization of elites within the party. To obtain data, the authors used qualitative research by conducting in-depth interviews with a number of DPP PAN officials, as well as collecting documents from the media, previous research, and internal party documents. The choice of the PAN coalition is divided into three key factors. First, pragmatism to maximize power (office-seeking) instrumentally by influencing policies that will be issued by the government. Pragmatism is also due to the historical factor that PAN has never been an opposition party. Second, ideological factors related to the efforts of party elites to return PAN to a centrist ideology based on the evaluation of the 2019 election results where PAN's proximity to conservative Islam failed to boost vote gains. Third, there was regime intervention through the threat of legal criminalization of several PAN cadres. The reinforcing factor for intra-party factionalization is also due to Amien Rais' political personalization. Amien played an important role through his personal influence which brought PAN into Jokowi's opposition although not through a formal party decision. The split is widening due to Amien Rais' support for Mulfachri Harahap's candidacy in Congress as a form of opposition to the policies of parties joining the government coalition. This personalization also developed in efforts to strengthen the figure of Amien Rais in the party by nominating Hanafi as a candidate for Secretary General of PAN. This factionalism shows a significant anomaly throughout the formation of PAN, namely the waning role of Amien Rais regarding the defeat of Mulfachri Harahap in the 2020 Congress.

Abstrak :
Anggapan terhadap atribut-atribut keelitan antara lain, seperti penggunaan benda bermerek mahal serta penggu-naan bahasa asing sebagai suatu tindakan yang hanya tcrdapat pada individu atau golongan atas memang ada di Jakarta ini, sehingga orang-orang yang mengaktifkan ke dua hal tersebut bisa dianggap kelompok atau golongan elite Anggapan itu yang tanpa di sengaja menjadi dasar bagi orang-orang tertentu untuk menciptakan suatu kelompok yang hanya dapat dihadiri oleh mereka yang memiliki atribut-atribut keelitan itu. Tulisan ini menggambarkan mengenai tiga kelompok elite yang mengaktifkan atribut-atribut keelitan itu sebagai alternatif strategi dalam rangka mempertahankan status keelitan mereka yang mengakibatkan adanya batas sosial baik antara kelompok atau golongan elite sendlri maupun antara individu atau golongan yang bukan elite.

Abstrak :
Dengan menggunakan kerangka konseptual Elite capture of Participatory Initiatives dari Jens Friis Lund & Moeko Saito-Jensen, penelitian ini berupaya untuk memeriksa dan menganalisis bagaimana elite capture yang telah berlangsung sekitar satu dekade dalam pengelolaan destinasi wisata adat Wae Rebo mendapat perlawanan dan berhasil diatasi oleh kelompok non-elite. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif, dengan desain penelitian eksplanatif. Peneliti melakukan field research dan wawancara mendalam bersama sejumlah masyarakat di Wae Rebo untuk pengumpulan data. Temuan penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa perlawanan kelompok non-elite terhadap elite capture diakibatkan oleh ketidakpuasan atas hasil pengelolaan destinasi wisata adat Wae Rebo oleh Lembaga Pelestari Budaya Wae Rebo (LPBW) di bawah pimpinan Frans Mudir semenjak tahun 2007 sampai 2022, yang relatif kurang memberikan dampak berarti bagi peningkatan partisipasi publik dan mobilitas sosial-ekonomi masyarakat Wae Rebo. Penelitian ini juga menemukan bahwa keberhasilan perlawanan kelompok non-elite terhadap elite capture dalam pengelolaan destinasi wisata adat Wae Rebo turut didukung oleh keberadaan sejumlah kelompok anak muda kelas menengah Wae Rebo, yang memiliki latar belakang pendidikan serta keterampilan di bidang organisasi dan pergerakan yang cukup baik. Keberadaan kelompok anak muda kelas menengah Wae Rebo, dengan berbagai keterampilan serta pengalaman organisasi dan jejaring sosial yang dibangun pada saat mengenyam pendidikan di luar daerah, menjadi faktor pendukung dalam mengkonsolidasikan kekuatan dan meningkatkan efektivitas gerakan perlawanan. Kesimpulan dari penelitian ini bahwa keberhasilan perlawanan kelompok non-elite terhadap elite capture memerlukan adanya pengorganisasian kelompok non-elite melalui pembiasaan kultur organisasi di antara kelompok non-elite, yang dapat dimaksimalkan dengan keberdaan sejumlah aktor individu dari kelas menengah. ......Using the conceptual framework of Elite capture of Participatory Initiatives by Jens Friis Lund & Moeko Saito-Jensen, this research seeks to examine and analyze how elite capture, which has been ongoing for about a decade in the management of the Wae Rebo tourist destination was resisted and successfully overcome by non-elite groups. This study employs a qualitative approach with an explanatory research design. The researcher conducted field research and indepth interviews with several community members in Wae Rebo for data collection. The findings of this study indicate that the resistance of non-elite groups to elite capture was driven by dissatisfaction with the management outcomes of the Wae Rebo cultural tourist destination by the Wae Rebo Cultural Preservation Institution (LPBW) under the leadership of Frans Mudir from 2007 to 2022, which relatively did not significantly impact the increase in public participation and socio-economic mobility of the Wae Rebo community. The study also found that the success of the non-elite group's resistance to elite capture in managing the Wae Rebo cultural tourist destination was also supported by the presence of several middle-class young groups from Wae Rebo, who have educational backgrounds and skills in organization and movement. The presence of these middle-class young groups, with various skills and organizational experiences and social networks built during their education outside the region, became a supporting factor in consolidating and enhancing the effectiveness of the resistance movement. The conclusion of this research is that the success of non-elite groups in resisting elite capture requires the organization of non-elite groups through the habituation of organizational culture among them, which can be maximized with the presence of several actors from the middle class.

Abstrak :
Penelitian ini membahas politik oligarki media dalam pemilihan presiden 2019 (Pilpres). Fokus penelitian adalah faktor dukungan oligarki media pada kandidat Joko Widodo dan Ma’ruf Amin. Penelitian ini perlu dilakukan untuk memaparkan faktor pendorong oligark dalam mendukung kandidat, serta cara oligark merealisasikannya. Pemaparan ini pada akhirnya akan mengkritisi fungsi pers. Penelitian ini diharapkan menjadi rujukan pembuatan kebijakan dalam kepemiluan, khususnya pada tahap kampanye. Oligarki media dalam penelitian ini adalah Hary Tanoesoedibjo melalui MNC Media dan Partai Persatuan Indonesia (Perindo). Dukungan Hary Tanoe berubah, pada Pilpres 2014 Hary Tanoe mendukung Prabowo Subianto – Hatta Rajasa, sementara saat Pilpres 2019 Hary Tanoe mendukung Jokowi-Maruf. Analisis penelitian ini menggunakan Teori Oligarki Jeffrey Winters (2011, 2013) dan Mietzner (2014) yang menyatakan oligark perlu masuk dalam struktur politik untuk mempertahakan kekayaan dan variasi faktor oligark dalam politik dan mendukung kandidat. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan argumen yang ditawarkan: Faktor pendorong keberpihakan oligarki media pada kandidat saat Pilpres 2019 didominasi oleh faktor ekonomi politik, tidak semata-mata karena kasus hukum. Cara oligark merealisasikan dukungannya melalui sumber pendapatan dan sumber materialnya (bisnis media). ......This research discusses media oligarch politics in presidential election 2019. Focus of the research is oligarch support factors to Joko Widodo and Ma’ruf Amin as President and Vice President candidate. Importance of this research is to explain the motivating factors of oligarchs in supporting candidates, as well as realizing the support. The explanation seeks to criticize the function of press. This research is expected to be referred in election policy making, especially during the campaigning phase. Media oligarch in this research is Hary Tanoesoedibjo through MNC Media and Indonesia United Party (Partai Persatuan Indonesia/Perindo). Support of Hary Tanoesoedibjo shifted support from Prabowo Subianto-Hatta Rajasa in 2014 Presidential Election to Jokowi-Maruf in 2019 Presidential Election. Analysis in this research employs Jeffrey Winters (2011; 2013) and Mietzner's (2014) Oligarchy Theory which stated that oligarch need to enter to political structure to defend their wealth and the variation of factors that oligarch enter political structure and consider supporting a certain candidate. This research using a qualitative method, this research offers following arguments: Factors of the media oligarch to support candidate in 2019 Presidential Election are dominated by economic factor and not only due to legal problems. The oligarch uses their source of income and their material resources (media business) to realize the support.