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"ABSTRAKDisertasi ini merupakan karya tulis hasil penelitian Sejarah Diplomasi mahasiswa S3 Program Studi Ilmu Sejarah, Fakultas Ilmu Pengetahuan Budaya Universitas Indonesia. Masalah yang menjadi materi penelitian adalah peristiwa perundingan Indonesia-Belanda pada tahun 1946-1947. Delegasi Belanda terdiri dari Prof.Ir.W.Sehermerhorn, F.de Boer dan M.TM.van Poll. Delegasi Indonesia terdiri dari Perdana Menteri Sutan Sjahrir, Mr Mohamad Roem, Mr Soesanto Tirto Prodjo dan dr A.K.Gani. Perundingan ini khususnya yang berlangsung di Linggajati Kuningan Jawa Barat., yang kemudian berhasil menemukan dokumen persetujuan yang diparaf pada 15 November 1946 dan ditanda tangani pada 25 Maret 1947 amatlah penting.Karena merupakan tonggak awal persetujuan dalam rangka proses dekolonisasi di Indonesia. Jalannya perundingan tidaklah mulus karena perbedaan sudut pandang Indonesia dan Belanda soal Negara Indonesia Serikat dan rencana kerja sama Indonesia-Belanda pasca dekolonisasi, khususnya yang menyangkut UNI Indonesia-Belanda serta perwakilan RI di luar negeri pada periode masa peralihan. Meskipun pihak Inggris yang bertindak sebagai penengah telah berusaha sejauh mungkin agar perundingan sukses, kedua delegasi yang berunding, mengalami hambatan pada beberapa pasal-pasal tertentu. Akhirnya atas campur tangan, kebijakan dan keputusan yang diambil Soekarno-Hatta lah perundingan bisa selesai. Oleh karena itu penelitian ini dimaksudkan untuk membuktikan hal tersebut dengan berbagai alasannya.

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ABSTRACT

This dissertation is a documentation of research about diplomacy history by a doctoral degree student in history study program, in the Faculty of Cultural Sciences, University of Indonesia. The main issue of the research was th event of an agreement between Indonesia and Netherland in Indonesia which happened in the 1946-1947. Indonesian delegation consisted of Premier Sutan Sjahrir, Mr Mohamad Roem, Mr Soesanto Tirtoprodjo and dr A.K.Ga.ni. And Dutch delegation consisted of Prof.Ir W.Schermerhorn, F.de Boer and M.TM.van Poll. This negotiation especially the one at Linggajati Kuningan West Java, which was succeed, produced an agreement document which initialed at November 15?h 1946 and signed at March 2501 1947.

This event is very important because it was the beginning of an agreement in the process of the decolonization in Indonesia. That negotiation was not running so smooth because there was different points of view between Indonesia and Netherlands about the Issue of United Indonesian Republic and about the cooperation plan between Indonesia and Netherland after the decolonization, especially about the UNI Indonesia-Netherland and about the Indonesia Republic international representative, at the transition periode. Althouyn the British as a mediator already try to help to make it a success, both of delegacies found obstacles at some sections of the agreement document. Finally Soekarno-Hatta made an important role in helping them out by making good decisions and policy. This research was intended to prove the importance of that role and to find the evidence about that theory."

"Disertasi ini meneliti secara empiris brand politik pemimpin politik (dhi. bakal calon presiden Republik Indonesia 2014) dalam konteks komunikasi politik dan keterkaitannya dengan kepemimpinan yang berbasis pada identitas sosial. Konsep brand merupakan konsep ilmu pemasaran yang diterapkan dalam berbagai ranah, termasuk politik. Oleh karena itu terdapat kebutuhan untuk mendapatkan gambaran mengenai konsep ini dalam konteks komunikasi politik yang semakin mengalami personalisasi dan mediatisasi. Personalisasi dan mediatisasi merupakan realitas komunikasi politik yang mendorong kemunculan pemimpin politik sebagai brand. Penelitian ini menelaah brand pemimpin politik sebagai pesan di media massa, khususnya media massa cetak yang mewakili 5 (lima) kelompok bisnis media besar yang ada di Indonesia. Analisis konten media dilakukan untuk melihat visibilitas dan asosiasi yang melekat pada brand 12 (duabelas) bakal calon presiden RI paling populer di media, yaitu (dalam urutan abjad) Aburizal Bakrie, Dahlan Iskan, Gita Wirjawan, Hatta Rajasa, Jokowi, Jusuf Kalla, Mahfud MD, Marzuki Alie, Megawati Soekarnoputri, Prabowo Subianto, Pramono Edhie Wibowo dan Wiranto. Brand sebagai pesan di media kemudian menjadi dasar untuk mendapatkan gambaran tentang brand pemimpin politik di benak publik, yaitu pemilih di 5 (lima) wilayah DKI Jakarta. Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa konsep brand pemimpin politik bersifat cair dan rentan terhadap isu maupun persaingan politik. Selain itu, terdapat 2 (dua) dimensi dasar pembentuk ekuitas brand pemimpin politik, yaitu: elektabilitas dan partisipasi. Tingkat pengenalan (awareness) dan prototipikalitas (keterwakilan identitas sosial pemilih dalam sosok pemimpin) menjadi kondisi yang diperlukan (necessary condition untuk pembentukan ekuitas brand pemimpin politik. Sedangkan kepribadian (brand personality) dan asosiasi (brand association) merupakan kondisi yang turut memperkuat meski tidak mutlak (contributory condition) dalam pembentukan ekuitas brand pemimpin politik.

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This dissertation empirically examines the political brand of political leaders (ie. 12 Indonesia presidential candidates to be) in the context of political communication and in association with social identity. Brand is a marketing concept applied in politics. Therefore it has to be reviewed due to the new context, the new politics and in the midst of mediatization. Personalization and mediatization are the factors that encourages the emergence of political leaders as a brand.

This study examines the political leaders as messages in the mass media, particularly the print media representing five (5) business major media groups in Indonesia. Media content analysis was used to examine the visibility and association of the top 12 Indonesia presidential candidates to be in the media, namely (in alphabetical order) Bakrie, Dahlan Iskan, Gita Wirjawan, Hatta Rajasa, Jokowi, Jusuf Kalla, Mahfud MD, Marzuki Alie, Megawati, Prabowo, Pramod Edhie Wibowo and Wiranto. Brands as media messages then become the basis for getting an overview of political leaders brands in the public minds, ie. voters in Jakarta.

This study found that the concept of political brand are fluid and susceptible to political issues and competition. In addition, there are two basic dimensions of brand equity for political leaders, namely: electability and participation. Brand awareness and prototypicality are two necessary conditions for political leaders brand equity while brand personality and brand association are contributory conditions."

"Kekerasan demi kekerasan atas nama agama makin sering terjadi di Indonesia, terutama dilakukan oleh kelompok Islam garis keras dan radikal.Nilai kemanusiaan dan demokrasi pun seolah diterabas dengan bebasnya, padahal selama ini masyarakat Indonesia selalu berbangga diri sebagai negara demokratis dengan jumlah penduduk sangat besar.Pergulatan atas nama agama yang dipertentangan dengan nilai-nilai demokrasi kemudian pun menghadirkan sebuah permasalahan tersendiri yakni: bagaimana wacana demokrasi dalam public sphere komunikasi politik di organisasi Islam di Indonesia? Bagaimana menjelaskan kemungkinan adanya nilai-nilai demokrasi dalam masing-masing organisasi Islam di Indonesia, dengan konsep, pemikiran, dan bahasa yang digunakan oleh masing-masing organisasi Islam tersebut.Habermas mengatakan bahwa dengan komunikasi yang emansipatoris maka komunikasiyang ideal akan tercapai. Tindakan komunikatif, yakni saling berdiskusi, memberi keyakinan dengan bebas tanpa tekanan dari pihak manapun, tanpa ada pemaksaan kehendak, dan tanpa kekerasan, akan menciptakan ruang publik (public sphere) yang kondusif, sebagai cikal bakal dari demokrasi yang memiliki kandungan nilai otonomi dan kebebasan. Hal ini seharusnya berlaku di Indonesia, namun yang yang terjadi sebaliknya, masih banyak kekerasan atas nama ideologi dan agama, di negara yang dianggap sudah demokratis ini.Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan paradigma kritis konstruktifis, dengan teknik wawancara mendalam pada beberapa informan yang mewakili organisasi-organisasi Islam di Indonesia, seperti NU, Muhammadiyah, HTI dan FPI. Penelitian ini pada akhirnya menunjukkan degradasi keragaman wacana demokrasi yang ada ada di berbagai kelompok Islam di Indonesia. Meskipun wacana demokrasi sudah sangat berkembang di berbagai organisasi Islam tersebut, namun public sphere komunikasi politik yang sudah mulai dibangun dan diharapkan berjalan oleh berbagai organisasi tersebut tidak sepenuhnya berhasil.

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Violence in the name of religion increasingly frequent in Indonesia, mainly carried out by Islamic hardliners and radical. The humanity values and democracy was passed freely, although the people of Indonesia has always pride itself as a democratic state with a very large number of people.Struggling comparasion in the name of religion with democratic values, which brings its own problems: how democratic discourse in the public sphere of political communication in the organization of Islam in Indonesia? How to explain the possibility of democratic values within each Islamic organization in Indonesia.Habermas says that emancipatory communication could be achied of ideal communication. Communicative action, namely mutual discussions, give faith freely without pressure from any party, without any coercion of the will, and without violence, would create a public space (public sphere) are conducive, as a forerunner of democracy that contains the value of autonomy and freedom.This study used a qualitative method with the critical constructivism paradigm, with in-depth interview technique on several informants who represent Islamic organizations in Indonesia, such as NU, Muhammadiyah, HTI and FPI. This study shows the diversity of democratic discourse in the various Islamic groups in Indonesia. Although the discourse of democracy is highly developed, but the public sphere of political communication that has begun to be built and are expected to run by various Islamic organizations, not entirely successful."

"[ABSTRAKPenelitian ini merupakan studi tentang komunikasi politik pencitraan kandidat dalamPemilukada DKI Jakarta 2012, khususnya yang difokuskan pada pencitraan Jokowi.Kemenangan Jokowi dalam Pemilukada DKI Jakarta 2012 sangat fenomenal –Jokowi adalahkandidat yang berasal dari luar Jakarta mampu mengalahkan kandidat petahana (incumbent).Pencalonan Jokowi menjadi cermin bahwa Partai PDI Perjuangan sebagai partai yangberorientasi pasar dan konsultan (consultant-and-market oriented party) –atau disebut jugadengan istilah professionalized party. Keunggulan skor Jokowi dalam hasil Survei OpinionLeader (Cyrus Network & Laboratorium Psikologi Politik UI) menjadi rujukan utamakebijakan Partai PDI Perjuangan dalam mencalonkan Jokowi sebagai Calon Gubernur DKIJakarta pada Pemilukada 2012. Jokowi adalah kandidat pilihan pasar (market-choicecandidate). Jokowi adalah kandidat ideal yang diyakini memiliki kompetensi kepemimpinanuntuk memimpin Jakarta. Cyrus Network, sebuah lembaga konsultan politik, bersamaLaboratorium Psikologi Politik UI telah menjadi promotor atau endorser pencalonan Jokowi.Profesi sebagai promotor atau endorser kandidat ideal telah menjadikan Cyrus Networkmenjadi penciptra tradisi baru dalam dunia konsultansi politik di Indonesia dan dunia –selama ini belum ada publikasi hasil penelitian yang menyatakan ada sebuah lembagakonsultan politik menjadi promotor kandidat. Cyrus Network mendobrak tradisi lama dalamdunia konsultasi politik dimana keterlibatan konsultan politik dalam pemilu didorong olehsemangat bisnis (market-driven consultant). Dukungan Cyrus Network terhadap Jokowidilandasi oleh semangat idealisme (idealism driven consultant).Dalam riset-riset terdahulu dinyatakan bahwa konsultan politik sangat dominan dalammencitrakan kandidat sehingga konsultan politik disemati dengan beragam profesi sepertisebagai image merchants (Heibert, et al, 1971), arsitek kampanye dan ahli komunikasi politik(Napolitan, 1972), professional image makers (Nimmo, 1976), issue primers (Medvic, 1997),candidate marketers (Dulio, 2000), dan konsultan citra (image consultant) (Perloff, 2010).Untuk kasus kampanye citra (image-making campaign) Jokowi, konsultan politik tidakdemikian. Jokowi sangat dominan dalam kampanye citranya, sehingga konsultan politik tidaksama sekali memodifikasi citra politik Jokowi, tidak seperti Fauzi-Nara –di putaran kedua,konsultan politiknya melakukan perubahan citra politik Fauzi misalnya dari gaya komunikasiarogan menjadi santun. Komunikasi politik pencitraan Jokowi menggunakan pendekatanalamian (natural approach). Jokowi adalah kandidat yang memiliki citra otentik (authenticimage). Jokowi adalah seorang kandidat yang memiliki kecerdasan dalam marketing politik,public relations politik, manajemen isu politik, manajemen kesan politik, dan estetikakomunikasi politik. Produk-produk politik seperti baju kotak-kotak, salam metal, kampanyeblusukan, dll merupakan murni gagasan Jokowi sendiri, bukan konsultan politik. Ini semakinmenegaskan bahwa masa kampanye adalah masa penguatan citra politik bukan penciptaancitra politik kandidat. Ini artinya bahwa selain terkait dengan kualitas personalitas, citrapolitik kandidat tidak terlepas pada persoalan rekam jejak politik masa lalu kandidat –kampanye permanen menjadi kunci pencitraan kandidat petahan. Kasus Jokowi semakinmenegaskan bahwa di era personalisasi politik, citra politik kandidat harus otentik bukankemasan. Di era personalisasi dan mediatisasi politik elektoral, otentisitas adalah kunciefektivitas komunikasi politik pencitraan kandidat. Inilah yang penulis sebut dengan istilahUniversitas Indonesiaauthentic candidate theory. Konsultan politik hanya mengkomunikasikan otentisitas citrakandidat. Dalam era personalisasi politik elektoral, konsultan politik hanya sebagai manajerkampanye (campaign manager) dan penguat citra politik (political image reinforcer).Temuan disertasi ini menjadi kritik terhadap deliberative priming theory (Medvic, 1997)dimana sebagai primer atau issue chooser, konsultan politik merekayasa citra kandidatmelalui pemilihan isu politik. Selain itu juga, temuan riset ini menjadi kritik atas temuan daripenelitian De Landtsheer, De Vries, dan Verstessen (2008:225) tentang penampilan politikyang pantas (the appearance of political suitability) dalam manajemen kesan politik (politicalimpression management). Citra politik kandidat sangat bergantung pada kepantasan politikdan ini terletak pada penampilan fisik kandidat. Oleh karennya, kandidat memungkinkanuntuk memanipulasi atau merekayasa penampilan fisiknya seperti yang diinginkan(politically desirable).;

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ABSTRACTThe research is a part of study of political communication that explains the imagemakingof candidate in 2012 Jakarta Gubernatorial Elections, especially Jokowi. Jokowi’selectoral triumph in 2012 Jakarta Gubernatorial Election is the most phenomenal –he is acandidate from outside Jakarta who have been defeated the powerful incumbent candidatesFauzi-Nara. Jokowi’s candidacy represents that Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle(PDI Perjuangan) is as a consultant-centered and-market-oriented party –in the other words,it is a professionalized party. Excellence of Jokowi’s grade in Opinion Leader Surveyfindings (issued by Cyrus Network a political consultant firm, and Political PsychologyLaboratory of University of Indonesia) become as a main source of PDI-P’s policy innominating Jokowi as a gubernatorial candidate in 2012 Jakarta direct local elections. Jokowiis a market-choice candidate. Jokowi is an ideal candidate who is believable to have the highcompetence of leadership to lead the Jakarta province. The Cyrus Network and the PoliticalPsychology Laboratory of UI were political promoters or endorsers for Jokowi’s candidacy.The profession made them as the makers of new tradition in the world of politicalconsultancy in Indonesia and the world wide –there is no publication of research of politicalconsultants in all the time that describes the political consultants as the candidate promotersor endorsers. The Cyrus Network have broken the old tradition of political consultancy whereinvolvement of the consultants in elections were driven by the spirit of business –in the otherword, they are the market-driven consultants. Cyrus Network’s endorsement for Jokowi’scandidacy was based by the spirit of political idealism –in the other words, it is an idealismdrivenconsultant.According the previous research of political consulting, the political consultants werethe most dominant in making candidates’ image. Therefore, political consultants’ professionwere as image merchants (Heibert, et al, 1971), campaign architects and experts of politicalcommunication (Napolitan, 1972), professional image makers (Nimmo, 1976), issue primers(Medvic, 1997), candidate marketers (Dulio, 2000) and image consultant (Perloff, 2010).However for the case of Jokowi’s image-making campaign, it was different where thepolitical consultant was not dominant in modifying or reengineering. Jokowi’s politicalimage, not as the case of Fauzi-Nara –in the second round of the direct local elections, theirpolitical consultants have been modified or reengineered their image, e.g. the politicalconsultant have modified Fauzi’s political style from arrogant to be polite. In the practice ofpolitical communication of image making, Jokowi had used the natural approach that createdauthentic image –in the other words, Jokowi was an authentic candidate. It was caused byJokowi’s intelligence in political marketing, political public relations, political issuesmanagement, political impression management, and aesthetics of political communication.All of Jokowi’s political products was his brilliant ideas e.g. “iconic” checkered shirt, metalsign or greeting, “blusukan” (impromptu visits) campaign, etc, not the political consultants. Itargues that the campaign is a phase of political image reinforcement, not political imageformation. It explains to us that the politician’s past record is the key of successful ofcandidate’s image formation –especially, the permanent campaign is the key success for theUniversitas Indonesiaincumbents. In personalization era, the main factor of image making is authenticity, notmodifications or packaging as well as engineering. The authenticity is the main factor formaking political communication of candidate image-making more effective. So, the writercalls it as the authentic candidate theory. The political consultants only communicate theauthenticity. In this era, they are just as the campaign manager and political image reinforcersor sharpener. This research’s finding becomes as criticism for the deliberative priming theory(Medvic, 1997) that explained political consultants as issue primers or choosers whosepolitical skill in engineering the candidate’s image through political issue priming. It is alsocriticism for a research that is hold by De Landtsheer, De Vries, & Verstessen (2008). Theirresearch finding explains that the appearance of political suitability in political impressionmanagement is rooted to candidate’s physical appearance. Therefore, it is possible tomanipulate the physical appearance of candidate in a “politically desirable” sense, The research is a part of study of political communication that explains the imagemakingof candidate in 2012 Jakarta Gubernatorial Elections, especially Jokowi. Jokowi’selectoral triumph in 2012 Jakarta Gubernatorial Election is the most phenomenal –he is acandidate from outside Jakarta who have been defeated the powerful incumbent candidatesFauzi-Nara. Jokowi’s candidacy represents that Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle(PDI Perjuangan) is as a consultant-centered and-market-oriented party –in the other words,it is a professionalized party. Excellence of Jokowi’s grade in Opinion Leader Surveyfindings (issued by Cyrus Network a political consultant firm, and Political PsychologyLaboratory of University of Indonesia) become as a main source of PDI-P’s policy innominating Jokowi as a gubernatorial candidate in 2012 Jakarta direct local elections. Jokowiis a market-choice candidate. Jokowi is an ideal candidate who is believable to have the highcompetence of leadership to lead the Jakarta province. The Cyrus Network and the PoliticalPsychology Laboratory of UI were political promoters or endorsers for Jokowi’s candidacy.The profession made them as the makers of new tradition in the world of politicalconsultancy in Indonesia and the world wide –there is no publication of research of politicalconsultants in all the time that describes the political consultants as the candidate promotersor endorsers. The Cyrus Network have broken the old tradition of political consultancy whereinvolvement of the consultants in elections were driven by the spirit of business –in the otherword, they are the market-driven consultants. Cyrus Network’s endorsement for Jokowi’scandidacy was based by the spirit of political idealism –in the other words, it is an idealismdrivenconsultant.According the previous research of political consulting, the political consultants werethe most dominant in making candidates’ image. Therefore, political consultants’ professionwere as image merchants (Heibert, et al, 1971), campaign architects and experts of politicalcommunication (Napolitan, 1972), professional image makers (Nimmo, 1976), issue primers(Medvic, 1997), candidate marketers (Dulio, 2000) and image consultant (Perloff, 2010).However for the case of Jokowi’s image-making campaign, it was different where thepolitical consultant was not dominant in modifying or reengineering. Jokowi’s politicalimage, not as the case of Fauzi-Nara –in the second round of the direct local elections, theirpolitical consultants have been modified or reengineered their image, e.g. the politicalconsultant have modified Fauzi’s political style from arrogant to be polite. In the practice ofpolitical communication of image making, Jokowi had used the natural approach that createdauthentic image –in the other words, Jokowi was an authentic candidate. It was caused byJokowi’s intelligence in political marketing, political public relations, political issuesmanagement, political impression management, and aesthetics of political communication.All of Jokowi’s political products was his brilliant ideas e.g. “iconic” checkered shirt, metalsign or greeting, “blusukan” (impromptu visits) campaign, etc, not the political consultants. Itargues that the campaign is a phase of political image reinforcement, not political imageformation. It explains to us that the politician’s past record is the key of successful ofcandidate’s image formation –especially, the permanent campaign is the key success for theUniversitas Indonesiaincumbents. In personalization era, the main factor of image making is authenticity, notmodifications or packaging as well as engineering. The authenticity is the main factor formaking political communication of candidate image-making more effective. So, the writercalls it as the authentic candidate theory. The political consultants only communicate theauthenticity. In this era, they are just as the campaign manager and political image reinforcersor sharpener. This research’s finding becomes as criticism for the deliberative priming theory(Medvic, 1997) that explained political consultants as issue primers or choosers whosepolitical skill in engineering the candidate’s image through political issue priming. It is alsocriticism for a research that is hold by De Landtsheer, De Vries, & Verstessen (2008). Theirresearch finding explains that the appearance of political suitability in political impressionmanagement is rooted to candidate’s physical appearance. Therefore, it is possible tomanipulate the physical appearance of candidate in a “politically desirable” sense]"

"ABSTRAKTeori groupthink memberikan perspektif menarik untuk melihat bagaimana cara berpikir suatu kelompok terikat pada kohesivitas yang tinggi terhadap kelompoknya dan mereka berupaya semaksimal mungkin untuk mencapai kebulatan suara sehingga mengesampingkan motivasi untuk berpikir untuk menghasilkan alternatif keputusan realistis. Pada perkembangannya, teori groupthink umumnya menjadi komoditas barat dengan studi pada kelompok politik di lingkup eksekutif pemerintahan yang bersifat homogen dan lebih tertutup, sehingga menarik untuk melihat fenomena groupthink dalam konteks komunikasi kelompok politik di lingkup legislatif dalam parlemen di negara transisi demokrasi seperti Indonesia yang anggotanya berlatar heterogen dari multiparpol dan lebih terbuka, namun sering menghasilkan keputusan yang kontroversial. Penelitian ini menyoroti adanya indikasi groupthink pada pengambilan keputusan tentang definisi Badan Publik pada RUU Keterbukaan Informasi Publik (KIP). Hasil keputusan dianggap gagal dari perspektif masyarakat sipil karena menghasilkan pasal baru 14,15,16 sebagai hasil tawar menawar kepentingan (trade-off) antara eksekutif dan legislatif tentang masuknya BUMN, BUMD, Parpol dan LSM sebagai badan publik. Ditambah lagi dengan faktor pembahasan yang memakan waktu paling lama sementara tuntutan penyelesaian harus cepat, dan dampak dari implementasi pasal tersebut masih belum dapat dikatakan baik karena kasus sengketa badan publik masih tinggi, sanksi hukum tergolong rendah, serta belum tercapai angka persentase 100% badan publik yang memenuhi kewajiban memiliki Pejabat Pembuat Informasi dan Dokumentasi (PPID) dilingkup organisasinya. Sebagai penelitian kualitatif paradigma postpostivis yang menggunakan metode studi kasus instrumental dengan objek penelitian pada kelompok anggota Panitia Kerja (Panja) RUU KIP Komisi I DPR RI masa bakti 2004-2009, hasil penelitian ini menujukkan bahwa groupthink dapat terjadi di lingkup legislatif DPR RI karena adanya pertarungan kepentingan dengan kelompok eksekutif, tekanan waktu dan kelelahan yang kemudian memaksa kelompok legislatif menjadi kohesif dan menghasilkan keputusan yang tidak dapat dikatakan baik. Terlihat kondisi sebagai upaya meminimalisasi groupthink melalui peran pimpinan yang lebih akomodatif, adanya proses hearing, serta adanya peran devil?s advocate, namun ternyata pada akhirnya upaya tersebut tidak membawa hasil yang signifikan sehingga groupthink tetap terjadi. Secara teoritis, penelitian ini memperkaya perspektif teori groupthink Irving Janis (1972) yang tidak menyebutkan bahwa sebenarnya groupthink juga bisa terjadi pada kelompok yang awalnya heterogen, lebih terbuka, memiliki kekuatan relatif setara namum dikelilingi kepentingan-kepentingan lain diluar kelompok, yang menekan terhadap proses penyelesaian tugas melalui upaya kompromi.

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ABSTRACTGroupthink theory gives us a very interesting perspective to see a thinking process of a highly cohessive small group in a bigger group and how they put the best effort to reach an agreement while ignoring motivation on creating other realistic alternative decision. Groupthink is very common on the west, with studies on political groups in government executives body with homogen type of members and relatively more introvert, so making this even more interesting to be researched in group communication context in the legislatives from a democratic transitional country such as Indonesia. This legislatives consists of heterogen background members came from multi different political party and more extrovert but in reality so often in meaking controversial decisions. This research focused on groupthink indicators in decision making of Public Body definition from constitution draft of Public Information Opennes. From the perspective of civil society the decission taken considered fail because verse number 14,15,16 are bargain result between executives and legislatives on matter of BUMN, BUMD, political party also NGO as public body. More further, this process took a very long time in process where the demand of finishing stage is so short, also the impact of these verses is not as expected seen on numbers of disputes of information petition is so high, the sanctions is so light and there are so many public body has not appointed Information and Documentation Manager Officer (PPID). As a qualitative with pospositivist paradigm this research used case study method instrument with members of Working Committee of constitution draft of Public Information Opennes Law in 1st Commision of House of Representatives of Republic of Indonesia periode 2004-2009 as the research object. The result of this research shows that groupthink could be happen inlegislatives because there are so many conflict of interest with the executives, time pressuress, and fatigue. This condition forces legislatives became so cohesive and starts making bad decisions. These facts shown in order to minimize groupthink through the leader?s role to be come more accommodative, hearing process, and also the role of devil?s advocate, but still in the end these groupthink prevention process didn?t bring any adequate results. Groupthink still took place. Theoritically, this research hoped to enrich perspectives of groupthink theory by Irving Janis (1972). This theory did not mentioned the fact that groupthink also can happen on a heterogen group, more open, posses the same power among the members but yet surrounded by other interests from outer group and push the working process through compromises."

"[ABSTRAKSetelah pemerintahan Orde Baru tumbang pemberitaan mengenai otonomi daerah mekarbermunculan, media massa yang pada zaman Orde Baru jarang memberitakan mengenai isuotonomi daerah berubah haluan menjadi gadrung memberitakan isu otonomi daerah, berbagaiberita bermunculan ada yang positif dan ada yang negatif, bermacam pertarungan wacanamewarnai isu otonomi daerah di media massa.Penelitian ini bermula dari rasa ingin tahu yang mendalam mengenai berbagai beritatentang isu otonomi daerah yang muncul di media massa dan bagaimana media massamelakukan konstruksi realitas terhadap isu otonomi daerah , selama ini penelitian mengenai isuotonomi daerah banyak dilakukan oleh para ilmuwan yang berlatar belakang ilmu politik, ilmupemerintahan, ilmu administrasi negara, dan ilmu hukum, penelitian yang dilakukan oleh parailmuwan di atas lebih banyak bicara mengenai penerapan kebijakan otonomi daerah. Penelitianmengenai isu otonomi daerah menggunakan perspektif ilmu komunikasi masih jarang bahkanbisa dibilang langka, padahal peran media massa menurut Severin-Tankard (2007:15), adalahmembentuk opini publik. Para penganut mazhab konstruksionisme seperti Tuchman (1978),Fisman (1980), dan Shoemaker (1996), melihat bahwa berita yang disiarkan oleh media massadapat membuat masyarakat mempunyai suatu sudut pandang dan mengkonstruksikan suaturealitas suatu isu dalam masyarakat tak terkecuali isu otonomi daerah.Penelitian dalam disertasi ini menggunakan perspektif interpretif. Perspektif ini dipilihkarena menurut Neuman (2006) teori konstruksi sosial merupakan ranah dalam perspektifinterpretif, untuk membedah teks dalam penelitian ini menggunakan analisa teks framing,model yang digunakan adalah framing Robert N Entman. Framing model Entman dipilih karenadalam konsep Entman framing dapat dipakai untuk menggambarkan proses seleksi suatu isu,serta menonjolkan beberapa aspek tertentu dari suatu realitas oleh media. Empat elemenframing model Entman adalah pertama Define Problem merupakan bingkai utama atau masterframe, kedua Diagnose Causes dalam elemen kedua ini yang menjadi titik berat adalah siapaaktor utama dalam suatu kejadian atau peristiwa, ketiga Make Moral Judgement adalah elemenyang digunakan untuk melakukan pembenaran dengan memberikan berbagai argumentasi padapedefinisian masalah yang sudah dibuat, empat Treatment Recommendation adalah elemen yang digunakan untuk melihat apa yang sebenarnya dikehendaki oleh wartawan, bagaimana cara yangakan dipilih untuk menyelesaikan suatu masalah.Dalam disertasi ini ada 3 media yang diteliti yaitu harian Kompas, harian Jurnal Nasional,harian Kedaulatan Rakyat. Dipilihlah tiga surat kabar dengan orientasi yang berbeda, yaitupertama surat kabar Kompas sebagai surat kabar harian terkemuka nasional dengan tiras yangbesar, kedua surat kabar Jurnal Nasional sebagai surat kabar yang mempunyai kedekatan sejarahdengan Partai Demokrat, ketiga surat kabar Kedaulatan Rakyat sebagai surat kabar daerah yangmasih survive dan masih leading sampai saat ini.Hasil dari penelitian ini menunjukkan dalam level mikro yaitu ada perbedaan framepemberitaan harian Kompas, harian Jurnal Nasional dan harian Kedaulatan Rakyat mengenaiIsu Otonomi Daerah. Pada analisis pada level meso media terlihat faktor kepemilikan dan modalmasih cukup kuat dalam mempengaruhi frame media yang diteliti.Analisis level makro dapat dibagi menjadi dua. Pada harian Jurnal Nasional analisa yanglebih tepat adalah menggunakan pendekatan analisis instrumentalis atau strukturalis daripadastrukturasi karena pada harian Jurnal Nasional struktur organisasi media terlihat mengikat erathuman agent. Tidak terlalu cukup ruang bagi agen melakukan interplay terhadap struktur. Lainhalnya dengan harian Kompas dan harian Kedaulatan Rakyat, yang dapat dibedah dengananalisis strukturasi.Dalam proses strukturasi dari tiga media yang diteliti, terlihat dua media yaitu harianKompas dan harian Kedaulatan Rakyat mampu merubah struktur dari sentralistik kedesentralistik untuk isu Pemilihan Kepala Daerah Langsung dan Keistimewaan Yogyakarta,meskipun harus diakui bahwa media bukan satu-satunya faktor yang diterminan dalamperubahan struktur tersebut. Namun tidak dapat dipungkiri bahwa isi dari teks media dalam duaisu tersebut memberikan kontribusi kepada eskalasi tekanan atau adanya akumulasi-akumulasitekanan terhadap penguasa;

---

ABSTRACTAfter the New Order government fell, news on regional autonomy appeared everywhere.Mass media which rarely reported regional autonomy issues during the New Order now reportedthe issues all the time. Various news emerged, some positive and others negative. A battle ofdiscourse of regional autonomy issues appeared in the mass media .This research was started by curiosity on various news on regional autonomy in massmedia and how mass media constructs the reality of regional autonomy issues. Until now,researches on regional autonomy issues are mostly performed by researchers from politicalscience, government science, public administration, and legal science. Studies by researchersfrom the fields above mostly discuss the implementation of regional autonomy policy. Studies onregional autonomy issue using communication science perspective are still rare, while the role ofmass media according to Severin-Tankard (2007:15) is actually to form public opinions.Observers of constructionism such as Tuchman (1978), Fisman (1980), and Shoemaker (1996)think that news broadcasted by mass media can make people have a certain point of view andconstruct a reality of an issue in the society, including regional autonomy issues.The research in this dissertation used interpretive perspective. This perspective wasselected because according to Neuman (2006) social construction theory is a field in interpretiveperspective. To dissect texts, this study used framing text analysis. The model used was Robert NEntman's framing. Entman's model of framing was selected because in Entman's concept framingcan be used to describe the selection process of an issue and emphasize certain aspects of areality by the media. Four elements of Entman's model of framing are first, Define Problemwhich is the master frame, second, Diagnose Causes in the second element the emphasize is whois the main actors in an event, third, Make Moral Judgment is an element used to makejustification by giving various argumentation in the definitions of the problems which have beenmade, fourth, Treatment Recommendation is an element used to see what reporters want, whatmethod will be chosen to solve a problem.In this dissertation, there are 3 media which were studied, i.e. Kompas newspaper, JurnalNasional newspaper, Kedaulatan Rakyat newspaper. The three newspapers selected havedifferent orientations, i.e. first, Kompas as a famous national newspaper with huge readership second Jurnal Nasional as a newspaper with a history with the Democratic Party, thirdKedaulatan Rakyat as a local news paper which still survive and leads to this day.The result of this study showed that at micro level there was frame difference in thereporting of Kompas, Jurnal Nasional and Kedaulatan Rakyat on Regional Autonomy Issues.Analysis at meso level showed that ownership and capital factors were still rather strong ininfluencing the frames of the studied media.Analysis at macro level could be divided into two. In Jurnal Nasional, more accurateanalysis used instrumentalist or structuralist analysis approach rather that structuration becausein Jurnal Nasional the structure of media organization seemed to tightly bind human agents.Theer wasn't enough space for agents to perform interplay on the structure. Meanwhile, Kompasand Kedaulatan Rakyat could be dissected by structuration analysis.In the structuration process of the three media, two media, Kompas and KedaulatanRakyat, were able to change the structure from centralistic to decentralistic for Direct RegionalHead Election and the Special Region Status of Yogyakarta, although the author admits that themedia isn't the only determinant factor in changing the structure. However, it's undeniable thatthe content of media texts in those two issues contributed to the escalation of pressure oraccumulation of pressure on the authority;After the New Order government fell, news on regional autonomy appeared everywhere.Mass media which rarely reported regional autonomy issues during the New Order now reportedthe issues all the time. Various news emerged, some positive and others negative. A battle ofdiscourse of regional autonomy issues appeared in the mass media .This research was started by curiosity on various news on regional autonomy in massmedia and how mass media constructs the reality of regional autonomy issues. Until now,researches on regional autonomy issues are mostly performed by researchers from politicalscience, government science, public administration, and legal science. Studies by researchersfrom the fields above mostly discuss the implementation of regional autonomy policy. Studies onregional autonomy issue using communication science perspective are still rare, while the role ofmass media according to Severin-Tankard (2007:15) is actually to form public opinions.Observers of constructionism such as Tuchman (1978), Fisman (1980), and Shoemaker (1996)think that news broadcasted by mass media can make people have a certain point of view andconstruct a reality of an issue in the society, including regional autonomy issues.The research in this dissertation used interpretive perspective. This perspective wasselected because according to Neuman (2006) social construction theory is a field in interpretiveperspective. To dissect texts, this study used framing text analysis. The model used was Robert NEntman's framing. Entman's model of framing was selected because in Entman's concept framingcan be used to describe the selection process of an issue and emphasize certain aspects of areality by the media. Four elements of Entman's model of framing are first, Define Problemwhich is the master frame, second, Diagnose Causes in the second element the emphasize is whois the main actors in an event, third, Make Moral Judgment is an element used to makejustification by giving various argumentation in the definitions of the problems which have beenmade, fourth, Treatment Recommendation is an element used to see what reporters want, whatmethod will be chosen to solve a problem.In this dissertation, there are 3 media which were studied, i.e. Kompas newspaper, JurnalNasional newspaper, Kedaulatan Rakyat newspaper. The three newspapers selected havedifferent orientations, i.e. first, Kompas as a famous national newspaper with huge readership second Jurnal Nasional as a newspaper with a history with the Democratic Party, thirdKedaulatan Rakyat as a local news paper which still survive and leads to this day.The result of this study showed that at micro level there was frame difference in thereporting of Kompas, Jurnal Nasional and Kedaulatan Rakyat on Regional Autonomy Issues.Analysis at meso level showed that ownership and capital factors were still rather strong ininfluencing the frames of the studied media.Analysis at macro level could be divided into two. In Jurnal Nasional, more accurateanalysis used instrumentalist or structuralist analysis approach rather that structuration becausein Jurnal Nasional the structure of media organization seemed to tightly bind human agents.Theer wasn't enough space for agents to perform interplay on the structure. Meanwhile, Kompasand Kedaulatan Rakyat could be dissected by structuration analysis.In the structuration process of the three media, two media, Kompas and KedaulatanRakyat, were able to change the structure from centralistic to decentralistic for Direct RegionalHead Election and the Special Region Status of Yogyakarta, although the author admits that themedia isn't the only determinant factor in changing the structure. However, it's undeniable thatthe content of media texts in those two issues contributed to the escalation of pressure oraccumulation of pressure on the authority, After the New Order government fell, news on regional autonomy appeared everywhere.Mass media which rarely reported regional autonomy issues during the New Order now reportedthe issues all the time. Various news emerged, some positive and others negative. A battle ofdiscourse of regional autonomy issues appeared in the mass media .This research was started by curiosity on various news on regional autonomy in massmedia and how mass media constructs the reality of regional autonomy issues. Until now,researches on regional autonomy issues are mostly performed by researchers from politicalscience, government science, public administration, and legal science. Studies by researchersfrom the fields above mostly discuss the implementation of regional autonomy policy. Studies onregional autonomy issue using communication science perspective are still rare, while the role ofmass media according to Severin-Tankard (2007:15) is actually to form public opinions.Observers of constructionism such as Tuchman (1978), Fisman (1980), and Shoemaker (1996)think that news broadcasted by mass media can make people have a certain point of view andconstruct a reality of an issue in the society, including regional autonomy issues.The research in this dissertation used interpretive perspective. This perspective wasselected because according to Neuman (2006) social construction theory is a field in interpretiveperspective. To dissect texts, this study used framing text analysis. The model used was Robert NEntman's framing. Entman's model of framing was selected because in Entman's concept framingcan be used to describe the selection process of an issue and emphasize certain aspects of areality by the media. Four elements of Entman's model of framing are first, Define Problemwhich is the master frame, second, Diagnose Causes in the second element the emphasize is whois the main actors in an event, third, Make Moral Judgment is an element used to makejustification by giving various argumentation in the definitions of the problems which have beenmade, fourth, Treatment Recommendation is an element used to see what reporters want, whatmethod will be chosen to solve a problem.In this dissertation, there are 3 media which were studied, i.e. Kompas newspaper, JurnalNasional newspaper, Kedaulatan Rakyat newspaper. The three newspapers selected havedifferent orientations, i.e. first, Kompas as a famous national newspaper with huge readership second Jurnal Nasional as a newspaper with a history with the Democratic Party, thirdKedaulatan Rakyat as a local news paper which still survive and leads to this day.The result of this study showed that at micro level there was frame difference in thereporting of Kompas, Jurnal Nasional and Kedaulatan Rakyat on Regional Autonomy Issues.Analysis at meso level showed that ownership and capital factors were still rather strong ininfluencing the frames of the studied media.Analysis at macro level could be divided into two. In Jurnal Nasional, more accurateanalysis used instrumentalist or structuralist analysis approach rather that structuration becausein Jurnal Nasional the structure of media organization seemed to tightly bind human agents.Theer wasn't enough space for agents to perform interplay on the structure. Meanwhile, Kompasand Kedaulatan Rakyat could be dissected by structuration analysis.In the structuration process of the three media, two media, Kompas and KedaulatanRakyat, were able to change the structure from centralistic to decentralistic for Direct RegionalHead Election and the Special Region Status of Yogyakarta, although the author admits that themedia isn't the only determinant factor in changing the structure. However, it's undeniable thatthe content of media texts in those two issues contributed to the escalation of pressure oraccumulation of pressure on the authority]"

"ABSTRAKPenelitian ini bertujuan, pertama menemukan konstruksi isu kampanye politik oleh media lokal mandiri dan lokal berjejaring dan perbedaan antar dua media terkait hal tersebut. Kedua, menemukan frame primordialisme dalam kontestasi calon Gubernur yang dibangun oleh media lokal mandiri dan lokal berjejaring dan perbedaan di antara dua media terkait hal tersebut. Ketiga, menjelaskan kaitan antara frame media yang terbangun dengan karakteristik lembaga media dan proses produksi media.Penelitian ini menggunakan kerangka berpikir yang berangkat dari konsep-konsep primordialisme, dihubungkan dengan konsep konstestasi politik lokal, teori model menejemen media, teori konsentrik, teori tekanan pada komunikator media. Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian kualitatif deskriptif. Teknik pengumpulan data yang digunakan adalah melalui analisis framing model Entman, in depth interview dengan pihak yang terkait dengan proses produksi dan studi literatur untuk sumber-sumber skunder. Informan penelitian berjumlah empat belas orang..Hasil penelitian menemukan bahwa media dalam dinamika politik lokal di era reformasi memframe unsur primordialisme dalam dua bentuk: diferensiasi dan asosiatif. Frame diferensiasi, membingkai unsur primordialisme untuk memberikan penonjolan bahwa kandidat yang diberitakan memiliki karakter yang berbeda dengan kandidat lainnya. Frame asosiatif, menggunakan unsur primordialisme untuk memberikan penonjolan dengan mengasosiasikan kandidat seorang yang mempunyai kapasitas ulama. Dalam penelitian ini ditemukan konsep primordialisme digunakan dalam dua frame . Pertama, sebagai keterikatan atas dasar lsquo;domisili rsquo; dan lsquo;rekam jejak pengabdian pada publik rsquo;, sebagai inisiasi lsquo;membawa rsquo; unsur primordialisme kearah soft primordialism. Kedua, sebagai keterikatan atas dasar suku atau kelahiran yang akan cenderung akan membangkitkan loyalitas komunal, sebagai hard primordialism. Frame yang dilakukan oleh media ditemukan memiliki kaitan dengan kelembagaan media, yaitu lsquo;Kalimantan Post rsquo; cenderung menjalankan ldquo;model semi public sphere rdquo;, Media ini lebih menonjolkan isu rasional. Sedangkan lsquo;Radar Banjarmasin rsquo; menjalankan model pasar, isinya mengusung isu primordialisme sebagai komoditas

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ABSTRACTPurpose of this study, first to find the construction of political campaign issues by local independent media and local networking media, and the differences between each media related to this issues. Second, to find the frame of primordialism in the contestation of governor candidates that constructed by local independent media and local networking media, and the differences between each media related to this issues. Third, to explain the relationship between the media frame that constructed with the characteristics of media institutions and media production process.This study uses a framework that originates from primordial concept, related to the concept of local political contestation, media management model theory, concentric theory, pressure theory on media communicator. This study is descriptive qualitative. The data collection technique used is through Entman Model Framing Analysis, in depth interview with parties that related to production process and literature study for secondary sources. With a total of 14 informants.The result found that the media in the local political dynamics in reform era was framing primordialism element in two forms differentiation and associative. Differentiation frame, framing the elements of primordialism to provide a projection that the candidate who was preached has a different character with the other candidates. Associative frame, using elements of primordialism to provide a projection by associating a candidate who has the capacity of clerics. This study found the concept of primordialism is used in two frames. First, as an attachment on the basis of lsquo domicile rsquo and lsquo track record of public service rsquo , as the inititation of lsquo bringing rsquo primordialism element towards soft primordialism. Second, as a tribal or birth attachment that would tend to generate communal loyalty, as hard primordialism. Framing by the media have been found to be related to media institutions, which is lsquo Kalimantan Post rsquo tend to run lsquo semipublic sphere model rsquo , this media is more accentuated rational issues. While lsquo Radar Banjarmasin rsquo runs the market model, which its content carries the primordialism issues as a commodity."